David Joy's Diaries

Extracts from a published version Some Links in the Evolution of the Locomotive: the particulars extracted from the Diaries of the Late David Joy; edited G.A. Sekon.. Railway Magazine 1908 Volumes 22 & 23.

David Joy's Diaries are frequently cited, but are difficult to trace as full bibliographical references are rarely given (these are now available) and the originals are held by the Science Museum. This version uses Joy's text as possibly edited by Sekon, but has re-written most of the connecting text as Sekon is too florid for the Internet, and sometimes flew kites which have long since landed: Joy's own words are terse. Sekon's own introduction noted that he had concentrated almost entirely on his work with locomotives, leaving much of the other "interesting" material unreproduced. The connecting texts are shown in a smaller font and in colour (which may not reproduce on all browsers). Some of the spelling in the original appears to be eccentric and may be due to mid-nineteenth or early twenieth century ideas (or to the OCR software!). Sekon's biography has been used as the basis for the entry in the biographical section. . Note Part 2 covers valve gear..Summers (BackTrack, 18, 242) has some interesting comments on both the published transcripts and a microfilm copy of the original held by the Science Museum Library and argues that they, like the Gooch Diaries, were manicured for posterity, and are certainly not a daily record. The 4-2-4, the cause of Summers' quest is in Part 2.

The original diaries "are copiously illustrated by free hand drawings, from David Joy's own pen", and "to enable readers to enjoy more fully the perusal of the extracts from the diaries, many of Joy's illustrations have been re-drawn, and are reproduced as illustrations", but only the key ones have been loaded onto the website.

The initial entry reads:

I was born in Leeds, March 3rd, 1825, and do not remember the time when machinery did not interest me.

The first point I distinctly recall was when about six years old I made a model of the road-roller then in use. It was made of a silk-bobbin with pins for centres, and slips of wood for shafts. This bit of machinery was shown to an old friend of my father—William Lea, of "Brandy and Salt" Farm—and he said, patting me on the head: "The boy will be an engineer. I never forgot this.

In 1832 Joy first encountered a steam locomotive, the rack locomotive constructed by Murray on Blenkinsop's plan (cited as Blenkinsopp].

Living in Hunslet Lane, on the London Road, the old coal railway from the Middleton Pits into Leeds, ran behind our house a few fields off, and we used to see the steam from the engines rise above the trees. Once I remember going with my nurse, who held my hand (I had to stretch it up to hers, I was so little) while we stood to watch the engine with its train of coal-wagons pass. We were told it would come up like a flash of lightning, but it only came lumbering on like a cart.

Date 1835—or— 6, July
We went to live in town that I could go to school—Hiley's, Rockingham Street. At first I forgot machinery—till a boy, Hall, whose father was a plumber, brought a little working model of a steam engine to school. The master had it set to work in a lower room, and the big boys sat round the table to see it. I climbed, up to see it through the window, and remember it well. It was a beam engine, and stood on a box, and was painted blue, the cylinder was a bit of lead pipe about 1½ in. diameter, and the valves a four-way cock. When I got home I got a bit of lead pipe and made futile attempts to make a steam engine myself.
Then another schoolfellow (Barraclough), whose father was owner or manager of a cloth mill in Hunslet Lane, took me to see their mill engine, the old-fashioned beam engine, with an upper floor for the beam support, of course.
At this time I had a sovereign given me to spend on tools (joiners' tools), so I set to work to model this engine, like the sketch.
[In the Original Diaries a model of a beam engine is given.]

June, 1838

Next came the Leeds Exhibition, under the auspices of the Mechanics' Institution Committee. We boys had season tickets, and used to rush down to see it in dinner hour, when the locomotive used to run round its circular tour. The most I remember of it was (A) the tank, rockery and fountain; (B) space for operator ; (C) circular railway ; (D) circular canal ; (E) the crowd outside.
The most exciting exhibition was the locomotive. It was fired by charcoal blown up with a pair of hand bellows.
Often the steam was blown up till the little beggar ran so fast that at last he keeled over and toppled into the water with a splash and a fizz—we watched for this.

Early 1840

Then I went to Wesley College, Sheffield, where my parents gave instructions for me to be pushed in all mechanical pursuits (Mr. Exley, was the master) ; also to be taught mechanical drawing, as Mr. E—— said, "So many people, having an idea, did not know how to put it down on paper."

December, 1840

This time we returned from school by railway, as the North Midland Railway, Derby to Leeds, had been opened in the half, with a branch to Sheffield. I perfectly remember the engine in the dark, early morning, but I saw httle more of it than its head light and broad, low smoke-box, and tall chimney. Any way, this was the first bonn fide railway engine I had ever seen. [In the Original Diaries a front elevation of the type employed is shown]

January, 1841

Back to school, with a fad for railway engines. I was then 16—March 3rd. I was now working hard at mechanical drawing, and also got hold of a copy of "Tredgold on the Steam Engine," which I devoured, often staying in on holiday afternoon to read. Here I found a sectional elevation of the most advanced locomotive of the day, a Stephenson with gab reversing gear. [drawing of gear in Original Diary.]

On the back of this page in the Diary, headed "An After Thought," is an account of a model locomotive made during the period January to June 1841. This "After Thought" is so long that, in addition to the drawing and writing on the back of the page, a sheet of foolscap is also inserted, written on both sides. It concludes with an account (illustrated with a sketch) of "My First Acquaintance with a Railway Accident."

Looking through a lot of small sketch illustrations of early locomotives published in Engineer brought back to my memory some of my first ideas of engines, and, among them, the little model I made at school, which was as nearly as I remember as above. [There is a drawing in the Diary.] All the round parts I got turned by a turner in Sheffield, to my own drawings, but these he did not follow, but his own fancy, hence the hideous finish of the dome, etc. The boiler was a flat-sided box, with a round cardboard top, to cover the motive power, which was a long Indian rubber band, wound round the two rollers, and then round the driving-axle, which one had to turn the reverse way to wind up.
I spent the whole of one Wednesday afternoon, a sunny one, too, puzzling this machine out, as there was nothing to show which were fixed points. It was no easy task. I fought it out, however, and was no end delighted with the machine, and the 'wonderful way in which, by bringing one or the other eccentric into gear, steam was put on either end of the piston, and the engine made to go forward or backward. There was no lap then, and, I guess, little or no lead.
This January to June term of 1841 I did more machinery than ever, in which all my pocket money went. My special achievement was a locomotive on wood wheels about 4 in. diameter, all parts turned in wood from my own sketches. The motive power was got from a lot of Indian rubber bands stretched to and fro along the boiler, ending in a string wound round the driving-wheel axle. When wound up the machine could run the whole length of the big schoolroom on a long form, about 120 ft. I ran alongside to guide it. It caused quite a jurors among tbe boys, and I made contract with one of the masters to make one for him like it.
In mechanical drawing I made a longitudinal view (part section) of a very old-fashioned beam engine (Wall style). The shading was done in a sort of blue grey, very blue. This was the crack mechanical drawing at the exhibition of the pupils' work at the public examination at the end of the term. I was made a fuss with, and had to stand out alone, and did not I hate it! Then they gave me a diploma.

Walking home on our side the canal one evening at about five, I saw the train which ran on the other side,. about ¼ mile off. The engine ran off the line, and moving off to our side crossed the other rails, and ran down the embankment, pulling part of the train with it. I was too tired to go round by the lock gates and across the fields. But I went in the morning to see the removing. There was no one hurt; my old uncle was in the train, but was only bumped off the seat on to the floor.

There follow several entries bearing no reference to railway matters.

about May, 1842

It soon became evident that oil-crushing, etc., was not my vocation, and I was asked if I would like to be an engineer. And the authority set my chief friend, the millwright, John Kirk, to sound me, and to take me to see the engine works of Messrs. Fenton, Murray & Jackson, of Leeds. This happened one fine sunny afternoon—and all looked couleur de rose. There were several big locomotives building for the Great Western Railway, of the " Argus" (?) type—in all stages of completion. Of course I was caught, and on my return frankly admitted how much I had been delighted, and how I would like to be an engineer. As my next brother was just coming from school at the June holiday, it was soon arranged that he should take my place at the Oil Mills, and that I should go to "the foundry." Meanwhile a gentleman's son, who was an apprentice at the same works, was asked by the governor to supper to initiate me.

According to the Diary he did more, for Joy says "and he did," followed by "and he was a devil."

I was only a shop apprentice, as they took no others at Fenton, Murray & Jackson's. I got four shillings per week, to rise as I got on, and finally, I believe, to go into the office.
So one fine Monday morning I found myself at 8 a.m. at the foundry in fustian clothes, like a working man. (Many a time after I met my father in the streets, and he did not know me). That Monday I shall never forget, it quite disillusioned me. I had to help a smith at the anvil holding things, and standing, standing, oh! standing for ever. I got home somehow, never before so tired, dead tired, but had to begin it again next morning at the place at six, after half an hour's walk. Let me forget this now for ever.

However, I got accustomed to the "skinning," and then got at the interest in the engines. These were Great Western Railway passenger— engines, 16 in. by 20 in. cylinder; 7 ft. wheel. They were a very handsome looking engine, with bright brass dome, and wheel splashers—old fork and gab motion— and I fitted one of these forks, having learnt to file and chip and [he adds] to mash my knuckles with the hammer. [Diagram 2 (not included herein) showed type of locomotive under construction].
At this time all such work— fork ends of eccentrics, etc., was done by hand, the forging was chipped and filed, and set to truth by a small set-square; and a pair of callipers for outside measures, and below for inside. Every fellow made his own in company's time, of course, and each fellow prided himself on the high finish of his pocket tools.

August, 1842
After all the work of a day, I well remember staying over hours to see one of these engines (the last) tried in steam. It was placed on special rails with struts in front and behind, and the middle wheels resting dn underground pillars, which they drive round, and to which was attached a counter to show the revolutions per minute or the miles per hour. After that test a dynamoineter was yoked on at the traihng buffer, and the hauling power noted. Any way, now I was in my element, and happy, and I forgot to be tired. The steam pressure was then only 60 lbs. —and no lap on the valve.
These engines finished, slack times began, and autumn and winter passed very drearily away. There were three of us apprentices at the works, and, being too far from home to return for meals, we fed in one of the workmen's houses close by. Breakfast, 8 to 8.30; dinner, 12 to 1; afternoon tea, 4 to 4.30; works closing at 6 and opening at 6 a.m. Catering thus together we did it for about 6s. 0d. per week. Saturday closing time was 4 p.m.
Here I had a slight accident to my finger, a big bar fell on it as I centred it on the lathe, when it slipped. Then I was off for a week, and read locomotives. Then the Chartists were making a row all over the country, and came to Leeds to make demonstration and frighten folk. Of course I was a working man, and yet a gentleman's son—so I had no bed of roses. At Christmas the Governor at home got us a little organ to keep us at home, and out of mischief ; more of that often. After Christmas we paid a visit to Uncle Jack's at Manchester, and I went to see the shops of the Manchester and Crewe Railway at Longsight, where Mr. Ramsbottom was then superintendent.
February 1843
All the engines I saw that I remember, were of the common type, same as Midland Railway, and lots of "Sharps". Spring came, and times were slacker. Finally Mr. Jackson sent for me to tell me that they were going to close the works, so I should not be wanted.

Spring, 1843
Then I had a time of leisure, working partly at my foot-lathe, which the Governor had given me, a 5 in. centre back gear on a wood gantry—cost £5. Then reading hard at locomotives at home and at the Mechanics' Institute, "Whishaw on Railways" especially, also drawing locomotives —particulars of which I got by going to the railway station. My height was then 5 ft. 6 in., and by that I measured the diameter of wheel, and then made all the parts come relatively together.
The frontispiece in Whishaw was my friend the Great Western Railway engine I worked at.
By summer it was arranged that I should go to Shepherd and Todd, Locomotive Builders, Railway Foundry, as an office apprentice, paying £200 as premium, and to work for nothing till I was 21—so I had not quite three years of it to look to. Here, with vastly increased advantages, I just worked the harder. Hours 9 to 5.30. and half an hour's walk home to dinner. The work in the shop was only two of Gray's six-coupled goods engines for the Hull and Selby Railway, fitted with "Gray's Patent Expansion Valve Gear." Here was my fate again —" Valve gears."
At that time [Gray's gear was] the earliest example of expansion working.

Autumn 1843
There were two other apprentices, W. E. Garrett, afterwards of steam pump notoriety, and a I. Wright, son of a tailor, a tailor and a fool. I was at once set by Mr. Todd (of blessed memory), to copy a longitudinal section of one of these Gray's engines. The drawing I still have, with all the series of elevation, plan, cross sections, etc Mr Todd taught us, and gave us every chance We did shading, line shading, etc. We learnt all about the Gray motion.

The locomotive illustrated in Diagram 5 had 90 lbs. steam pressure, and was fitted with the Gray valve-gear.
I well remember the steam trial of this engine with its head just pushed outside the shop door, the chimney just clear of it—the boiler unlagged. The peculiar smell of a new engine floating about—they always have it— and a little pother of hot, dry steam blowing bluish from the safety valve. Steam pressure, 90 lb., the first lift from the usual 60 lbs. So here I got my initiation into the use of higher pressure—I have seen plenty of it since. The engine had the Gray gear. I at that time quite mastered the dodge by which the lead was kept constant and the expansion got.
This class engine was the first to work steam expansively, and so to make a saving of about 30 per cent. of the fuel.
Of various particulars and experiments with these engines I had a book full; this was prigged by I.C.W. at Railway Foundry, but one experiment remains.

The margin states that this book covers the period to 1841. The one experiment referred to is a comparative test between three locomotives, carried out on the Leeds and Manchester Railway, and occupied 5 days; viz., November 10th to 14th, 1840. The dimensions of the three engines are given as follows

GRAY'S PATENT: Cylinders, 11 in. (or 12 in.) x 24 in. — wheels, 6 ft. and 3 ft. 6in. ; boiler, 9 ft. x 3 ft. 3 in; weight, 14 tons ; firebox, 2ft.x3ft. 6in.; 94 tubes, 9ft. 6in.x 2in.
Tubes, 436 ft.; box, 54 ft.—490 ft. ; grate, 7ft.
FENTON, MURRAY & JACKSON ORDINARY ENGINE: Cylinder, about 11 in. x 18 in. wheel, 5 ft. ; boiler, 7 ft. 6 in. x 3 ft.

These are the particulars of the experiment

Autumn, 1843
Working through this [Gray] gear set me on scheming a reversing and expansion gear of my own. This was afterwards re-invented by Crampton and went by his name.
Here was my first attempt in the direction of invention of valve gears—but I believe it was never used even by Crampton—but I remember drawing it out and leaving it not locked up when I went to my dinner, and then remembering it, rushing back, lest it should be pirated in my absence by my sharp colleague in the office—not the tailor.
After this we began to get very slack, and once, on the occasion of a tracing of a crank axle for a locomotive being wanted, we pupils quarrelled who was to make it, so anxious were we to gct to a bit of practical work. Meanwhile we were tracing everything we could lay our hands on for oursevies. And Mr. Todd still taught us everything. As specimens my shaded locomotives, screw and ball, mitre-wheel, etc., all in Indian ink shading. A Corinthian column in line shading, etc.

June 1844
Mr. Todd came suddenly in to bid us good bye, leaving Mr. Shepherd sole master. He soon brought a manager, Mr. Buckle, who had a son whom we christened "Little Bottle," and we used to fight him. Buckle did not know a word about locomotives, and was always talking about the big marine engines he had had to do with in Russia, but he gave us a temporary taste for marine engines.
This autumn [Aug. 14th] I got a holiday to go to Wales, and on my way called at Crewe engine works, then the Grand Junction Railway. I had an introduction from my father to Mr. Trevithick, the chief engineer. I spent the whole morning roaming round the works, and then made sketch of the "Crewe Engine" thus
(see Diagram 6 not featured herein).

Prior to November 1844
Meanwhile Mr. Buckle did nothing and left, and another manager came from Manchester—I think from Fairbairn's—Dutton by name. He knew nothing about locomotives, but got an order for a mill engine (beam, of course) for Saddleworth. He made the general drawings himself, and we had to copy out the details for the shop. It was a Fairbairn type, as I afterwards recognised from drawings. All castings, columns, cylinder, valve pillar, and capitals of Egyptian architecture. It was a clumsy looking beast.

December 1844
I was sent down to Manchester to the Leeds and Manchester Railway works to trace some roof work for that railway, James Fenton being engineer. This was a few weeks after the explosion of the "Ilk" [Irk] when she blew out her firebox crown. Of course the box carrier crushed in, and flapped down, and the engine was shot up into the air, and fell 150 yards away. I got my work done in half the time the other fellow did (I. Wright), and fooled about the works. Among other things I learnt was Mr. Fenton's expansion gear, put on a six-coupled locomotive, the ''London.'' — I think I copied it on the sly; any way I got it. The reversal was got by sliding the valve spindle link from one end of a lever to the other, and lap and lead were arranged by slipping the eccentric (any one) round on the crank shaft by the lateral motion of a screw.

Dates "are a little hazy", but it must have been when "Link Motion" came out.At this time the general type of engine for passenger trains was as Diagram 7 (not reproduced): but York & North Midland Railway 2-2-2 with:
Driving wheels, 5 ft. 6 in. (or 6 ft.); leading and trailing, 3 ft. 6 in. ; centres about 10 ft. boiler, 8 ft. long, 3 ft. 4 in. diam. ; cylinders, 12 by 16 in., or 14 by 18 in. Steam pressure, 60 lbs., no weather boards, and open railings round the footplate. Gab eccentric motion for reversing, and no "lap" on valve. Rocking lever to valves which were on top of the cylinders—sometimes a little round dome on the boiler, but mostly. a big square dome rising on the firebox as in sketch.

In Diagram 8 (not herein) Joy illustrated a typical 0-4-2, goods locomotive with 'gab' motion.

Late in autumn I was sent on an outside job to Huddersfield via the old Manchester and Leeds Railway. We travelled in open thirds, not even a seat, but two rails, from end to end, and side to side—a pen for sheep.
It must have been about then that the "Princess of Wales" appeared at York Central station, where all new engines showed up.
This was a long boiler 'single' engine, but with inside cylinders, and the valve chest between; the valve gear as per sketch below,'[not reproduced] which I always thought since was the origin of "link gear," but I had not seen it then.
Beyond my own information I give facts, from a letter from R. Stephenson & Co., June 16th, 1891, kindly giving me the following information:
"First link gear put on their No. 359, delivered to Midland Railway, October 15th, 1842.

Wedge motion, H. S. & Co., No. 358, delivered to Midland Railway, September 9th, 1842.'
This wedge motion, called Dodd's, I distinctly remember seeing at Masbro', and the bridge, links, clamps, etc., then struck me as most complicated.

Advent of Stephenson long-boiler engine

These had all the six wheels under the boiler. The most notorious of them, the "White Horse of Kent," signalised herself by going off the road repeatedly and killing a man or two.
This engine, with about 12 ft. boiler, all wheels under it, and cylinders outside, further curtailing the wheel base, and adding to the overhanging and disturbing weight, was a notorious roller, although just now rose the cry for a low centre of gravity to get steadiness.

The " White Horse of Kent " is illustrated by Diagram 9 (in Rly Mag).

June 1844
The second Leeds Exhibition, under the management of the Mechanics' Institute, was now held. The things I best remember were steel cutting (old files) by a rapidly revolving soft iron disc; this gave a blaze of sparks and collected a crowd. Then there was Furness's Locomotive, all in brass, with tubes and a blast pipe. He was a chemist in Kirkgate, and we boys were in at the making of this engine, spending hours in Furness's workshop. The engine ran round lines laid in the figure of eight. He got up steam with a hand blast just to move, and then the engine blast did the rest, till it ran as fast as he dare let it go. It was a 1½ in. scale, of a 5 ft. 6 in. 'single' engine, outside frame. Also there was a lovely model of the "Rocket" in brass, and rather fancy in finish; this set me thinking that if I had time and patience enough I could make one—but no!
In November, 1844, Shepherd brought round E.B. Wilson, of Hull, and soon Wilson took the place, and went in for some patent spindle and fliers. I spent all possible time at the old Leeds railway station, where guessing the diameter of driving- wheel by standing by it (5 ft. 6 in. my height), I proportioned the rest of the dimensions, so getting a fair outside view of an engine.

January 1845
Joy mentions an order for ten engines for the Manchester, Bury and Rossendale Railway.
Dutton, our manager, knew nothing of locomotives, so I had to take all particulars from the railway's engineer, Mr. Cawbey, and I made all the drawings of the engine, going to the station to copy details from Stephenson's engines chiefly.
Mr. Cawbey was very particular about his water level and steam space, as the engines had to work on an incline of 1 in 33.
Early in this spring [1845] Stephenson's "Great A" came out, and was the engine which ran in the battle of the gauges against the Great Western Railway engine " Ixion."

Apart from the general interest in locomotive matters excited by the " Battle of the Gauges," these trials gave Joy his first real ride on a locomotive:
We pupils used to frequent the railway station very much, and one afternoon, watching the 4 p.m. York express start, the driver, Sid. Watkins, asked me if I would like a ride. (Will a duck swim? Rather). No coat, nothing on, I popped on to the engine, and away we went, so jolly, This was my first fair run on an engine with a train; only to Castleford, still it was fine. I had many another like it. And this was "Great A" (see Diagram 10)

Vol. 22 Page 473-

Joy's accuracy and grasp of detail was recognised by his employers

August 1845
Was very busy now, though pupil, acting as chief draughtsman on the drawings of Manchester, Bury and Rossendale engine, as I had to do everything myself, picking up the information by copying the details from engines at the station, chiefly from Stephenson's outside cylinder long-barrelled engine. This type of engine had quite become the standard. for all passenger work. (We had just got another manager, Alex. Wilson, who also knew nothing of locomotives).
At this time we lads were always on the engines of the Y. &. N. Midland Railway (as it then was called), taking little trips to Castleford, Milford, and sometimes to York. And just now we got an order from  this railway for six engines—Thomas Carby, engineer. I had all these drawings to make.

Joy presented his shaded drawings of this engine to the local Mechanics' Institute. Joy illustrated the Y. & N. Midland Railway locomotive No. 10 (not herein), with the following dimensions:

Wheels four-coupled, 6 ft. diameter; cylinders, 15 in. by 20 in. boiler, 12 ft. by 3 ft. 4 in ; steam, 90 lbs.
This is the first I distinctly recall of the link gear, though our Manchester, Bury and Rossendale engine had it on (but on the Manchester, Bury and Rossendale engine it was the box link.) The next run I remember was with Joe Elliott, on "Zetland," a little engine, like the Y. & N. Midland Railway engine, but smaller——5 ft. 6 in. wheels.
At this time also I had to design a horizontal pumping engine for the Bramhope Tunnel on the Leeds and Thirsk Railway, of which James Fenton was engineer; for this engine I got great credit. And it afterwards became the drawing on which Carrett, etc., etc., based their design for all their horizontal engines.

With the four o'clock express from York we rushed into Leeds ticket platform. With a hot big end the engine pulled up dead, and would not move till the big end was slackened. We boys used constantly to get on the engines at the ticket platform to run round the train, to push it in. All this autumn I was at work finishing the Manchester, Bury and Rossendale Railway engines, and the above Y. & N. Midland Railway engines.

January 1846
About now a new locomotive superintendent had come to Manchester on the Leeds and Manchester Railway, and was to bring out a new type of engine, for which we all looked out. She started three times from Manchester before she reached Leeds, and she was a beast; nevertheless, she became the standard type of the Leeds and Manchester engines (Diagram 11 not herein).
Now my apprenticeship drew to a close.

28 February
The first Manchester, Bury and Rossendale Railway engine was finished, and we took her for a run to Normanton. A crowd of us was on the footplate (Fenton was not named in my original tour at all) and all over her. Then we had a big dinner at Normanton, and lots of wine. After having had a bottle, or near it, I passed the bottle. And E. B. Wilson, to whom I sat next, said: "Joy, you'll never make an engineer if you don't drink your bottle of wine." I said: " I will, nevertheless." We all returned to Leeds on the engine, being booked on to a Leeds and Manchester train.
There was not a sober man on the footplate but myself. The driver of the Manchester and Leeds train not only made us pull the train, but he put on his brake for mischief. Didn't our engine "spit fire!"
Went to Manchester with Manchester, Bury and Rossendale Railway engine with Willis, taking the 9 a.m. train, and returned with her at night at 7 p.m., up Hunt's Bank without pilot, with a flame 3 ft. long from her chimney top. Willis (the Black Devil), the shop foreman, with me.

3 March
My birthday and, free of my apprenticeship, had a spread at home.
Joy lost no time in seeking employment, for next day he went to the Railway Foundry—
to ask for a berth. No, they wanted no paid hands. ToWilsons' at night for a big dinner. Myers, the Russian, there. Twice as many bottles of wine drunk as guests. A month later—on April 5th—he went to Manchester on executors' business, also to seek a draughtsman's berth. Called at Leeds and Manchester Railway offices—on Sharpe<sic>, Roberts & Co.—and others. No go. Stayed at Uncle John's. Home on Thursday, 6th, and found a letter asking me to call at Railway Foundry. Went and found a "break.up." Wilson out of it, and Fenton and Craven waiting. They offered me a draughtsman's berth at 31s. 0d. (guinea and a half), took it and began, disgusted. One engine to build like Manchester, Bury and Rossendale Railway—-but with 5 ft. wheel. A drunken draughtsman (Archer) making drawings exactly the same as Manchester, Bury and Rossendale Railway—but only wheel dropped to suit rail-centre ; the line of cylinder the same!! ! I took up drawings and put them right. But that man could shade gloriously even when he was drunk—so I learnt from him—I was not too proud.

May 1846
Long boiler engines were going out; the engines did well, but were bad rollers. One dreary afternoon the driver came, and said Mr. Carby wished us to see them. Willis and I went, and left with the 4 p.m. express to York, a wet afternoon with driving rain. (See the sketch, and see how much shelter we got from the engine). And did not that engine tumble about. She rolled like a ship in a gale. But we put balance weights on the wheels, and she went all right then, and so did all the others when balanced. We were now busy scheming engines for the Leeds and Dewsbury Railway, of which Jimmy Fenton was boss, The only idea in favour was the Manchester, Bury and Rossendale Railway engine, or some sort of long boiler—but we ended by putting the cylinders outside, and the trailing wheels behind the firebox.
'While the goods engines had inside cylinders, and the trailing wheels behind the firebox like the passenger. The type of engine designed for the Leeds and Dewshury Railway, for passenger traffic, he describes as follows
The boiler was 11 ft, long, a sort of half-way to the long boiler type. The goods were inside cylinders, six-coupled inside frames, cylinders below leading axle; a bad engine, like Railway Foundry first lot of six-coupled for Great Northern Railway. There should have been plenty of room for bearings, but there was not. And the cry now was for low engines.
All this time I was working awfully hard, as the manager, Alex. B. Wilson, knew nothing of locomotives, and that was all our work now. Autumn had come, and our doctor said I must go from home to recruit . So went with a party (Mr. Ripley, mother, and others), to London and Isle of Wight. At Southampton met British Association, and went with them round the Isle of Wight, Dr. Scores being of the party. Such a little tub of a boat, but I knew nothing of marine engines then. Had a boat, and a plunge and swim before breakfast. Back, after a fortnight, to Portsmouth with a jolly rough sea. Home via Birmingham, where I saw a Norris's Yankee engine at Bromsgrove.
Arriving at home on Friday night found a letter from Railway Foundry urging me back to work.

30 November
So, on the Saturday morning went and found E. B. Wilson back in power.
I was to go same night to London and on to Brighton on Sunday to see John Gray .about an order for ten engines, of which I was to take all particulars.
Arrived at Brighton on Sunday night. Spent three weeks taking tracings all day, and receiving instructions from Gray after 7 at night. He gave me an engine pass, so I went all over the line on the various engines—to Chichester on "Satellite," a little engine by Rennies (diagram 12 not herein).
Joy experienced one of several 'freak' engines then around: Bodmer's four-piston balanced engine; the pistons reciprocating were supposed to give balance. (Diagram 13 is a half-plan of the motion) He rode on this engine from Brighton to Lewes, down the Falmer Bank:-

Same engine, running hard, went off the road at same place a few years after, and killed both driver and stoker.
Had a spin to London on one of the Gray engines, built by Hackworth to same drawings I was taking.
On this trip we passed alongside of the old London and Croydon Atmospheric Railway.
Anyway, the Gray engine could spin. Running through Clayton tunnel at 40 miles per hour she slipped, doubling that speed. I got my fill, too, of running on long boiler engines on the St. Leonard's branch (Hastings was not open). They did roll, and one went over a bridge into the river while I was there. Returned to Leeds and started drawings for the new engines, 60—61 inclusive. We had got the new drawing offices—over the entry— and Jimmy Fenton for manager.
I had hardly started the Gray drawings when word came that Gray was 'out', and we were to design a new engine. I, as chief draughtsman, had it to do—so set off scheming by order of Fenton, of course, on the lines of the last engine we had, Leeds and Dewsbury, short boiler (11 ft. 6 in.), outside cylinders, drivers far back, trailing wheels behind the firebox, and as much heating surface as possible in tubes, and 60 sq. ft. in firebox, if possible. Got out 10 or 12 schemes in a week, and threw all aside—after dissension. Then—12 noon, Saturday—Fenton came to me and said: "Try another, and give inside cylinders 15 in. by 20 in., and 6 ft. wheels, and again the biggest surface possible." I was sick of it, and bolted for my Saturday afternoon.

Jenny Lind

Arrived at home, I thought over the engine to go for—and at once it struck me what a pretty engine it would make. So abandoned the Leeds and Dewsbury type, and all the feeling in favour of the long boiler class. This was going back to the old engine, and my inoculation into Gray's ideas at once biassed me in favour of that type. I had studied very well for three weeks, and had ferretted among all the types of engines on the Brighton Railway, and had ridden on most of them, with the idea to get a definite opinion of my own which was best for big speeds.
So, having a sheet of double elephant mounted ready, as I mostly had now—as I spent all my evenings at drawing any engine I could ever get outside dimensions of—I set to work and drew out with Gray tendencies, a 10 ft. 6 in. boiler, as big in diameter as I could get it, and as low down as I could possibly get it—for the cry was one for low centres of gravity to secure steadiness, though Gray did not seem to care for it. Cylinders, 15 in., by 20 in. ; drivers single, and as far back as possible, 6 ft. diameter. Inside frames, which must be made to carry the cylinders, the frames stopped at the firebox, so that the firebox was got as wide as the wheels would allow it. This, of ordinary length, gave 80 sq. ft. of surface, and with 124 tubes 2 in. diameter, gave 730 sq. ft, or a total of over 800 sq. ft. Then I put on the Gray's outside frames for leading and trailing wheels, 4 ft. diameter, giving the bearings below, thus making a firm wheel-base, with no overhanging weight.
Cylinders and valves between, with ordinary (then approved) link, but slung only from one side. The steam dome on the middle of the boiler, and two safety valves under a cover on the firebox. The fluted decoration of dome and valve covers came in afterwards, and were a sort of combination of old London and South-Western Railway domes and Gray's square boxes. So also the radially-barred splasher for driver was a mixture of a lot of various engines.

On Monday morning I took my drawing to the Foundry (it is now in my possession), and it was instantly and entirely approved, and I went to work on the details. How these got strengthened up and thickened—the boiler and firebox especially—I don't remember, but the total weights came out three tons heavier than usual, and the engine itself as diagram 14

This, then, was the origin of the engine afterwards called the "Jenny Lind," the type of the Leeds Railway Foundry engine, and I believe the first of the really steady fast runners and low coke burners.

In the Illustrated Interview with Mr. Archibald Sturrock, which appeared in the RAlLWAY MAGAZINE for August, 1907, Mr. Sturrock claimed that it was higher steam pressure that made his locomotives successful, and Joy ascribes the success of the "Jenny Lind" to the same cause.

Of course, it was the steam pressure that did it. But who was to blame, or to credit, for this lift of pressure from 80 or 90 to 120 lbs ? I have no note, but doubt not it was Jimmy Fenton. Thus this engine came out a mixture of the good points of the Gray, as first designed by Gray himself for the Brighton Railway, and the engine that had come of the long boiler, with its inside frame ; from this type it got the elastic plate frame, for leading and trailing wheels, but not rigid as in Gray's design. So these engines, at high speeds, always rolled softly, and did not jump and kick at a curve. Another thing which I think came of my fancy was a very free exhaust. I always, from the first, saw the blast port cores made, and with my own hands passed over them, had them passed over, to get a free passage.

end of 1846
In this new smiths' shop was one of the original Nasmyth's steam hammers, with all its screws and tappets.
Later Joy designed and constructed steam hammers extensively.
It was under a general repair every Saturday afternoon, but it did a lot of work.

May 1847
first Brighton engine, No. 60, was completed, boiler, etc., lagged with mahogany. Made first run with her to Wakefield via Normanton, and returning lost steam, and were nearly run into by the Manchester mail.
Opened new erecting and small tool shops with a big dinner and a ball to follow, when Wilson brothers — Charles and Arthur— and I fraternised. Charles is now head of the shipping firm Thos. Wilson & Sons, Hull.
First Brighton engine was called "Jenny Lind" after the famous singer, "Jenny Lind," who was making a great excitement in London. I made a very highly finished drawing 1 in. to 1 ft. of her (the engine, not Jenny), which was lithographed, and sent about.
Got lots of orders here and there for this engine, and made at the rate of one per week —then a vast accomplishment. Now arranged same engine for a four.coupled.
Built the last Brighton engine, No. 69, with 6 ft. 3 in. drivers and 1,000 ft. surface.
Here I add an after thought which I had quite forgotten, of which I had no record in either drawing or tracing like all the others; but of which I am reminded by a picture in the Engineer, February 17th, 1897 which I copy
(see diagram 15 not herein).
We were asked at Railway Foundry to build this engine, and I got out a set of drawings for her, but when we got to the details of the vibrating pistons in their cylinders, the packings for these showed very slight chance of being made steam-tight, and E. B. Wilson & Co gave it up after I had worked out the question to exhaustion, and the manufacture was taken up by Messes. Thwaites Bros., of Bradford. It was patented by John Jones, of Bristol, and called the "Cambrian" system.[fully described in Sekon's Evolution of the Steam Locomotive] Crampton's patent locomotives were now coming to the front, and Joy early made their acquaintance; indeed, that of the first—with 7 ft. wheels—built by Tulk & Lay, Whitehaven.
She came to Leeds, and we ran a trip with her on the Midland Railway to Elkington (Fenton was there) ; she had separate regulators for each cylinder, and one rod being longer than the other, one shut off before the other, so she went "dot and go one" when nearly shut off. She was awfully rough to ride on, in spite of her very low centre of gravity, but we did. not know why then—I do now. The furore for getting steadiness by low centre of gravity and balanced parts was simply rampant. We built two Crampton's with 7 ft. drivers.

Everyone was scheming on the above question, and at Railway Foundry we built a big coupled, which was called—to match with the "Jenny's"—"Lablache." Here we got perfect balance of parts, and a low centre of gravity with 7 ft. wheels, arranged, as in diagam 16.

Both these engines were the outcome of the cry for a steady engine for high speeds, and the idea that a low centre of gravity was the only way to get it.
In spite of this lower centre of boiler, the Crampton was a most uneasy engine, and kicked at the curves, making her movement, when running fast, like a series of rushes, to go off at a tangent, while the "Jenny" just swung to the outside the curve, and the shock was taken up by her elastic horn plates.
As to "Lablache" her parts were in perfect balance, and we had a half size model in iron in the drawing office set on tressels loose; this you could turn round as fast as one could without disturbing its balance. The engine had the credit of running 70 miles per hour as speed, and pulling 70 wagons (empty?) as hauling power. Indeed, it was told of her that her driver, entering old Derby station with a very long train! saw red lights to the left in front, and sent his stoker to see what they were, and found them the tail lights of his own train. The curve entering Derby used to he a short half circle (but still this must be American).
Anyway, this engine got sadly abused because it was thought too much of; it was not even mechanically correct in its motions, as the paths passed over by the two cranks were passed over at different instants of time. Thus the main lever had to be made in two pieces bolted together by the big discs in the centre, so that the two ends of the lever could move slightly independently — to allow of the wheels passing round without skidding. Again, to force her to pull big loads with her big wheels, the pressure valve was screwed down regardless of safety. And one morning I had to go to examine her in the Midland Railway Running Shed. I found the two top rows of firebox stays drawn in sufficiently to make a rose of spray come from each. No wonder that they brought her back to the station, saying, "she would not steam!" If she had not got this relief, and damper, she would have blown her firebox crown out, and killed every man of them. Next I examined the safety valve balances, which were of the new fancy style with elliptical springs. They were a bad gauge, as they were very hard and had little elasticity. Here I found the balances screwed down till the springs were pressed fiat, and the gauge stood at 220 lbs. if it had been worked, which however, it was not beyond 120 lbs. I measured the rest. This was about the last of "Lablache"; she was afterwards reduced to a four-coupled "Jenny," and finished her brilliant life as a ballast engine, sic transit gloria mundi.

In these wild days there was one driver specially attached to Railway Foundry, one Jack Hemsworth, also called "Hell fire Dick," but he dare do anything, and was a splendid driver. He was one of the first contract men—in the days when real coke saving was begun.
At this time the "Jenny" had become a very popular engine, and we were building for very many railways as well as the Brighton, specially for the Midland, and on this line it was decided to have a trial of a 6 ft. "Jenny" against an ordinary Midland engine, and a type built by Sharpe <sic>, Roberts & Co., and called the "Jenny Sharpe" was chosen.

Sketch of the latter engine is given in diagram 17, whilst below are dimensions of both engines:-

By May, 1848. the "Jenny's" had become so popular, that the cry was not only for more, but larger; but Wilson and Fenton were very stiff as to alterations on the standard 800 ft. "Jenny," which was being turned out of that new long erecting shop with 12 pits— one a week it was now.

Even for the alteration of the position of a clack-box was demanded £5 to £25.

But the evolution of the locomotive was not to be prevented by such absurd disregard of the railways' requirements, for soon an enlarged "Jenny" came, with 1,000 ft. heating surface. Wheels 6 ft. 3 in. to 6 ft. 6 in., but only 15 x 20 in. cylinders; till the Manchester, Sheffield. and Lincolnshire Railway had the enlarged one built with oval boiler, 11 x 3 ft. 10 in. x 3 ft. 5 in.; heating surface: 169 tubes, 915 sq. ft. firebox 90 sq. ft.; total, 1,005 sq. ft.

Ton Cwt Quarter
Weights Leading Right 5 2 0
loaded Left 5 1 0 10 3 0
Driving Right 4 1 2
Left 4 2 0 8 3 2
Trailing Right 3 10 2
Left 3 10 0 7 0 2
25 7 0

This was according to the theory and practice of Brighton drivers, who said an engine would only save coke if you could spin her driving wheels round on dry rails, and that was why Crampton's were so extravagant, the wheels of which could not get round for jar.

May 1848
Joy went to London to see the lady after whom his locomotive was named with someone—the initals in the Diary are "W. J."

Heard her in the Opera, Lucia de Lammermoor. Wonderful! lovely!
Amongst other things, he dined at E.B. Wilson's, in. Chester Terrace, Hyde Park, where he met Peacock (Manchester and Sheffield), C. de Bergue, etc., where it was arranged with Peacock to build ten engines, big "Jenny's." "Settled particulars, and went down to Leeds on Monday—this was Saturday. No contract in writing, only talk after dinner; still it was an order." Diagram 18 shows the engine.

Immediately after this a similar order was given by Mr. Kirtley, of the Midland Railway, for 12 six-coupled goods engines with outside frames and cylinders under the front axle, ,just to get a low centre of gravity, but they were bad engines, the cylinders never seemed to be fast (diagram 19).
Most of these were built, but some of the boilers were difierently fitted. Afterwards all this was reversed in a lot for Great Northern Railway, bearings inside, cylinders over the front axle without regard to height of centre.
These big passenger engines were a splendid engine, with their ample surface, but afterwards they got scattered all over, two to the Great Northern Railway, where I once had a run on one of them from Retford to Doncaster in one minute over the number of miles—that was 60 miles per hour all the way. Johnson (pere 1) [possibly Mr. Richard Johnson, afterwards the chief engineer of the Great Northern Railway.] met us at the platform, and shook his head at me, saying, "That's you, is it?" Well, we had run, because I was there. I do remember that driver; he was killed afterwards on that bit of road; going back over the carriages, a bridge caught him.
The consumption of these engines was

34 cwt., 30, 29, 25—114 cwt. for 560 miles=22.8 lbs. per mile, whilst the distribution of weights was:

T cwt qrs
Leading wheel Right 4 10 3
Left 4 3 0 8 13 3
Driving wheel Right 5 11 2
Left 5 13 2 11 5 0
Trailing wheel Right 2 4 0
Left 2 16 1 5 0 1
When empty 24 19 0

December 1848
These halcyon days for engine builders did not to last for ever, for in the collapse following the railway mania, the after-dinner orders were repudiated, and so the Railway Foundry was left with about 20 engines far-on towards completion. Joy tells the result in a few terse words

No orders, everything was to shut up, and I was to go in three months, that is, March, 1849.
Spent spring at Railway Foundry finishing work just all under a cloud, and this was very dreary after the lively times we had had with trying all sorts of engines. In March I left, and looked after other work to no purpose, as everyone was reducing establishments. So got a holiday, and a tour into the English Lake district.

1 November 1849
E.B. Wilson sent for me in a big hurry to the Foundry. I was there in the morning, and he wanted me to go to London the same evening to take a lot of tracings, etc., for some iron work for "Baths and Wash-houses" in Lambeth. "Engineering work" with a vengeance. I found it awfully hard after our bright, brave, stirring locomotive work. But I was to stay in town after as the "London Agent of the Railway Foundry Company."
And I was established in a big house as offices—No. 19, Great George Street, Westminster. (I stayed here till March 5th, 1850).
Shortly after the offices were opened, Wilson came up to stay, and brought his wife, then it was awfully gay, or busy work.

Joy now came in contact with many of the leading railway engineers. Every Tuesday evening he and Wilson, went to the Civil Engineers' Institute,
and, after that, always four or six big swells in with us to smoke and talk. I remember John Fowler, Bidder, Stileman, Maclean, the Stephenson then to the fore [Robert], and C. P. Rooney (Cusack Patrick R., afterwards Sir C.P.R), secretary of the Eastern Counties Railway. Wilson was a very energetic and daring man, and so we were all this winter full of schemes. One was for our taking a section of the Eastern Counties Railway and working it by contract, finding all material, coke, etc., and paying all wages, taking over a selected lot of the railway's engines. With this view we had heaps of meetings with the chairman, Mr. Betts, and C. P. Rooney. And always these meetings had a appearance of secrecy, and were really one part of the Board wqrking in opposition to the other.

Joy was again in his element, for he had to inspect all parts of the Eastern Counties Railway and the various conditions obtaining, to do which he had to go spinning all over the line on the engines,
much to my delight, and always with a sort of mystery about it all. Also we got bold of a lot of Eastern Counties Railway engines, long boilers, so recently in favour, to alter them into four-coupled "Jennys," cutting their boilers down to 11 ft., and putting the trailing wheels behind the firebox, and their cylinders inside ; yet with 2 ft. 0 in. to 3 ft. cut off their boilers and tubes, they steamed better.
Then came the furore for light trains to carry the least possible tare weight. This came of the crash among the railways in the autumn of 1848, and forwards.
Samuel, on the Eastern Counties Railway, was working on this line, and had two small engines running, the "Enfield" and the "Cambridge." This question of "light locomotives" I had to examine. Short notes of some of these runs are
"Enfield," December 10th, 1849: 7 cwt coke: 78 miles, 6 hours in steam=10 lbs. per mile; at 45 miles per hour, sleet and mist, rails greasy.
December 11th, ran half miles in 45—44, 42—40 sec=45 miles per hour.
Cambridge ran ½ mile in 54 secs.—53 miles per hour.
Cambridge to London, 57½ miles, 7 cwt. coke 13.6 lbs. per mile, cylinders, 8 in. x 12 in. ; wheel, 4 ft. 9 in., leading, 2ft. 8 in; boiler, 6 ft. 6 in. x 2 ft. 9in. ; tubes, 112, 7 ft. x 13/8in., outside cylinders, inside framed, Cramptons bearings. The "Cambridge" is illustrated by Diagram 20 (not herein).

January 1850
Working in Great George Street, Joy schemed light engines with London and South - Western engines partly as type—but inside cylinders — bulging the boiler in, where it was in the path of the crank, to get a low centre of gravity. Also the question of increasing pressures to get bigger powers out of smaller engines attracted his attention. Out of this scheming he got at his first idea of the double boiler, making the boiler in two, so that lighter, thinner plates would do.

Mixed with all this was the cry for steadiness now called for in another form, and I worked up the question, and spoke at Arts' Society. It was jolly, for I knew my subject. I compared the "long boiler " with its short centres, and heavy overhanging weights at each end with the "Jenny Lind" with the weights mostly within the centres.
I also went into the effect of inside or outside bearings, but this is only a question of elasticity, as the wheel tread is the real base.
Worked on at double boiler in a new form as a coupled engine. This tracing I lent to someone and lost, but I remember it well enough, with the particulars from my note book, to reproduce it.
This engine was then built at Railway Foundry as an experimental one, but this came after.
Meanwhile E. B. Wilson agreed with me to patent it, jointly, he finding the cash.

This initial patent of David Joy's was the means of introducing him to Brunel, for Wilson took Joy with him to show it to Brunel. Joy's time was now spent at the various offices of the railways, seeking orders for engines, wheels, anything; the evenings were spent in estimating costs with E. B. Wilson.

Then came Easter, and I went back to Railway Foundry. This proved a permanent move, but before I left town there was the first fuss about the proposed International Exhibition. Wilson was very full of it.

On return to Leeds Joy records
worked in a very desultory way in the office. Wilson came home with an order for ten Great Northern Railway goods engines, and telling Dickenson, the cashier, the price, Dickenson said, "Why, Mr. Wilson, that will only pay for the engines." Wilson swore a big oath, "D—— I never counted for the tenders at all."
Sturrock (Archie) was then the new locomotive superintendent on Great Northern Railway.
These engines were just about copies of the Leeds and Dewsbury's inside cylinders. Wheels behind box; they were beasts, but I don't know why—they were crowded in all their bearings. I think it was now the new drawings of "Double Boiler" we got out.

END of V. 22

23: pages  39-48

May 1850

Joy was becoming more appreciated by the Wilsons as shown by staff changes at the Railway Foundry

A great "dust up" was in the shops, the shop foreman, Bob Willis, alias the "Black Devil," was kicked out, and Wilson put me in. It was horrid hard work, back again to 6 am. to 6 p.m., and not a moment's respite.
Now we got another order from Great Northern Railway for 10 four-coupled passenger engines, 6 ft. wheels. These I sketch because they became quite a type, and were the back stay for the running of the passenger trains, and all the specials of the Exhibition time the following year.

It is interesting to read the views of these engines as expressed by Joy, and also by the designer. What Mr. Sturrock claims for the design can be read by reference to the R4ILWAY MAGAZINE for August, 1907 (p. 92). Joy summed them up:—

There was Great Western Railway go in them, Sturrock's stamp, but they were a one-speed engine, yet always ready for their work. My No. 266, on the Nottingham and Grantham Railway, was one of them built for a contractor with 5 ft. wheels.

One of these engines is illustrated by Diagram 22.

Joy inserted remarks about the limitations placed upon the designers of express locomotives
In the big struggle to enlarge engines, the 'spread' had to go every way, and there was an objection to it every way. Thus:—
She must not be longer, she would jam the curves.
She must not be wider, she could not pass the platforms.
She must not be taller, she would topple over.
We shall see how even tually all these difficulties were got-over, or were found not to be objections, but some of them advantages. These were some of the largest engines of the day:—

ft in
Crampton's French 16 0 extreme couplings [? Wheel Base]
"Lablache" 16 0
McConnell's "Bloomer" 17 0
McConnell's Patent 16 10
Crampton's "Liverpool" 18 6
Great Western Railway "Iron Duke" 18 6
Stephenson's "A" by McConnell 19 0
Stephenson's "A" 8 wheels 19 0
Great Western Railway South Wales Tank 17 0
Great Western Railway  Bogie Tank 22 6
Hawthorn's Bogie engine for Great Northern Railway, 1851 Exhibition 22 6

June 1850
Quarrelled with E. B. Wilson about forthcoming Exhibition for 1851, and went at a moment's notice, J.C. Wilson taking my place as shop foreman, and prigging my books and papers in the shop foreman's office—all my John Gray's notes.
Summer, again a holiday.

August 1850
E. B. Wilson fetched me on a Friday evening in a cab, took me to Arthington Hall to go next evening to open Nottingham and Grantham Railway on the Monday. He had taken it to work by contract at 2s. per mile run. No engines, nothing ready.
To Nottingham early Saturday. Midland Railway supplied us with two old Bury's singles to be at Grantham Sunday night. Saturday afternoon over the line with Underwood (engineer), Gough (secretary), and on the contractor's (G. Wythes) engine (ballast), went off the road, not very fast, but a jolly tumble about. Water tanks all to get ready by Monday.

Then came the opening.

Started at 9 a.m. with first train—five or six carriages—part second and third—and a lot of low-sided wagons.

Joy gave the following statistics of the coke consumption for the "Bury" engines he used for working the Nottingham and Grantham Railway upon its opening, running passenger and a few goods trains

No. 107 did 18 trips
Express three carriages
No. 115 ditto
mixed traffic
409½ miles
4 tons 10 cwt. coke
1 tons 0 cwt coke
4 tons 10 cwt. coke
54 tons 0 cwt coke
= 24½ lbs. per mile

So I got my first experience of working locomotives with old Bury's engines.
Joy soon found that theoretical locomotive engineering was not quite the same as practical, but his assurance carried him through successfully. He says

I saw my first piston "set up," and told the man to do it, watching him, and suggesting just as if I knew all about it.

Here, too, I had my first go in at driving. I took No. 115 and a "cleaner "—not a stoker —and about seven wagons of goods, and stuck fast four miles out—short of steam, hut I did not let the cleaner know that, but had to adjust something (that was the apparent cause of stopping) till steam got up, and then I never did it again. But these engines without "lap" and without expansion could not be humoured any way. I could drive after that. In those days the "hook in the chimney," as it was called, was the refuge for the destitute.
In those days railway traffic was worked in a very haphazard manner. Even primitive signalling had not then been introduced. Joy soon has his first escape from death by a railway accident
We had got another engine from Railway Foundry, known as No. 266, and she did "goods"; and Nottingham Goose Fair coming, and a special ordered for Nottingham, I snapped at the chance of driving one of the engines. I don't know how it all came about, but at night I found myself on the leading engine, the other old Bury behind with old Pilkington as driver down at the junction of the Mansfield line at the front of a long line of carriages, on the down main line, which, for the day, was being used to stand lines of trains—the down trains for Mansfield being shunted at the junction on to the up line to the next station. It was pitch dark; and we waited for a signal to go on to Nottinghem with our train, and waited long. At last a rustle, and I thought we were going to be liberated by the passing out of the mail to Derby. So watched for her disappearing sideways to the right, but no, I could see her sweeping round and approaching us. And instantly I calculated that she could not have stopped and passed on to the up line at the junction, so must be on our line rushing upon us. It was not many seconds before we found all this true, as we jumped from our engines and rushed forward on the "in" side of the curve, and only just in time, for I saw the flare of the ashpan of the coming engine ripple over the sleepers as she came on, and heard the broken buffers of my own engine wizz over my head. It was only just in time, the next instant our two poor little light Bury engines were one wreck of material in front of the big six-coupled, with a train of twenty crammed carriages behind her.
The footplate of my engine disappeared entirely, the firebox of the engine falling in between the legs of the tank—buffers and buffer beams gone altogether. It was an awful experience, and none of us forgot it in a hurry.

After this 'spread' (as Joy calls the accident) of October, 1850, more engines were wanted for the Nottingham and Grantham Railway. These the Midland Railway provided, and Joy remarks

I don't remember both, but one was a little "Sharp."
This little engine was nearly the death of a nephew of one of my directors. He wanted to ride with me on the footplate one night with a special I said, No! We ran down Biugham Bank into a fog—stuck—no weather board. Suddenly we went through the road crossing gates, the bits flew all round us, we knew how to duck.

As Locomotive Superintendent, Joy found that he had to execute his repairs at Grantham under difficulties; but he says

Still I had the wagon building works of Neal, Wilson & Go., of Grantham, to go to, and material from Leeds. Still running repairs we did. Thus, setting up worn piston rings was done by hammering the middle of the ring with a ball-faced hammer. I soon did this quite as well as a fitter—the hammering was most in the middle, and eased off towards the end, so the ring could be made to swell out in a perfect circle.

Here is a glimpse of the wonder with which country people regarded a railway in the 1850s

One of the funs of the place was its being a new line, everybody and everything was strange to the engines.
People used to come and get on to the line at the road crossing gates and wave their umbrellas at us to stop as if we were an old stage coach: We didn't.
Then the game, and cows and sheep used to stare. We picked up lots of game, especially at night, when they ran at the lights.

George Stephenson's coo was soon in evidence on the Nottingham and Grantham Railway, but she did not live to repeat the experiment.

She was the property of the navvies, and was considered free of the Line, but she did it once too often. We were running at Ratdiff Bank from Nottingham with a train of coal, 15 wagons, and the old thing was going to cross the line; the driver thought he would get there first, and outrun her, and kept on steam; suddenly she ported her helm, and came diagonally on, and the next instant the buffer beam caught her buttock beam and toppled her over and went clean over her, her body tumbling through the whole train, some times under and sometimes over the axles. I was in the van, and watched the wave on the wagons as we passed over her, expecting every moment to see the train separate and roll off.
We stopped and tippled her off the line, and I don't think there was a whole bone in her body.

Locomotives of the early 1850s had little or no reserve of power:
The Ratcliff Bank was a bother, as it started in 1 in 110 up, and went into 1 in 130 and 1 in 176—so we often had a stick on it with a load of goods even when we had taken a big run at it from the level at the bottom. Then the englne would puff out her last breath till she stuck dead, Then we put oil the brake at the back, and spragged the last two or three wagons, and then backed the engine close up with every buffer compressed or close, and every drag chain slack; then at the given moment on went steam full, and the engine would pluck wagon after wagon on till the last was caught up, and at a slow pace we would move on a bit to stick again, and repeat the dodge till we topped the hill, and then run merrily down to Bingham—1 in 76.
Anyway, this life was very lively, and I learnt every practical dodge going, and could drive as well as a driver, indeed better. Thus, I caught one of my drivers alone on the engine one night at Ratcliff, his stoker had gone to prig coal to whip up the fire, which was dead, and the steam slack. I felt I must do the moral thing, so sent the coal back, and told the man I would take the engine. Well, somehow or other, I wheedled her, got steam up, crawled through the tunnel, and, that over [the summit], slipped down the bank to Grantham like anything, and then told the man, "Do that next time." But I did win those fellows to care for me, and to believe in me.
I had one very clever fellow from Brighton, Bob Wilkes. I learnt heaps from him.

By October the Nottingham and Grantham Railway had got the four-coupled engine (No. 266, previously referred to), which was one of the Great Northern Railway's passenger, built with 5 ft. coupled wheels; cylinders, 16 in. by 22 in. ; wheels, four- coupled, 5 ft. diameter; about 1,100 ft. of heating surface. No dome, only slotted steam collecting pipe. Weight, loaded, 26 tons ; light, 23 tons 14 cwt.

Cost of one week's running goods trains with No. 266

Before this (September) we had a big special to Matlock, and borrowed of the Midland Railway a big six-coupled engine, built by the Railway Foundry. This engine worked the train, and back to Grantham as a trial, to see if she would suit our work; anyway she was accepted by the company to add to the plant, her No. was 158 (see diagram 19, not included). Her weight loaded, was 28 tons 9 cwt. 3 qrs. -light, 25 tons 14 cwt. 1 qr.

Before the end of 1850 the two new "Crampton" passenger engines came from Railway Foundry, they were called the "Little Mails," another went to Darlington. They were credited to W.E. Carrett as his design, as the double boilers had been to me.

Joy's drivers were unused to the link gear, and as the ' Little Mails' were fitted with it — Joy remarks:—
What a mess the driver, old Pilkington, made of his first trip. I knew right enough about driving, with link gear and expansion, and told him after starting to pull her up on the link, but he would not believe she would pull, and let her out, to stick fast at Elton, three stations on. Then I made him link her up.

They were smart little engines, as can be seen from diagram No. 24, which is a drawing of Grantham.

These two little engines were called "Grantham" and "Rutland," and were supposed to be alike, but" Grantham" had brass tubes, and "Rutland" had steel tubes, and was somehow different, always giving more trouble, not so smart, and burning 1 lb. coke more per mile.

Several pages of the diaries are filled with details of the running of various trips by these engines, the maximum speed being 66 miles an hour, attained by "Grantham," with two coaches [weighing together 11 tons down the 1 in 165 bank near Bottesford.

The rolling stock, locomotives, etc., were the property of E. B. Wilson & Co., who worked the line by contract
Total capital and plant on Nottingham and Grantham Railway:—

Cost each Total
Low sided goods wagons ..
11 in. cylinder locomotives ..
First-class carriages .. ..
Composite ,, .. ..
Second-class ,, .. ..
Open tbird'class,,
Parliamentary ..
Wood framed goods van ..
Cattle trucks
High sided covered low wagons
High sided, uncovered.
Iron carriage truck

6 coupled engine, No. 158 ..
4 ditto No. 266 ..
Iron guards' vans .. ..
England's screw jacks .. ..
Lamps, couplings, etc
11 in. cylinder tank engine ..

Total £14,000

5 per cent, on £14,000=£700=£55 6s. 8d. per month.
£58 6s. 8d. per month on 5,820 miles=2.40d. per mile run.
There was afterwards added an odd Jenny Lind.

April, 1851
The next entry in the diary records Joy's visit to Leeds to the trial of the double-boiler locomotive. He first took her to Leeds and Bradford to work trains against those drawn by "Jennys"; the comparative dimensions of the engines were

'Jenny" cylinders 15 in. x20 in driving wheels 6 ft heating surface 800 ft 24 tons 1 cwt
Double boiler l2 in. x 18 in. 5 ft 750 ft.

Of these competitive trials, and referring to the running of the double-boiler engine, he says

The trains consisted of about ten ordinary carriages, say, 60 tons. Kept time fairly. Then went to Normanton to let her fly. In those days an engine could not go too fast for me.

But judging from the table below, the weight of the engine was very unevenly distributed. Joy soon had these altered, so that there was about 3¼ tons on each wheel.

T cwt qrs
Weight on wheels Left hand leading 1 12 0
Right hand leading 2 11 2
Left hand driving 4 10 0
Right hand driving 4 5 2
Left hand trailing 3 13 0
Right hand trailing 3 1 0
Total 19 13 0

Then she went back to the works to be decorated for the Exhibition.
Back to Nottingham, took a tour among the collieries with one James Smith, a small engineer, but a gentleman. Among other things had a thorough go on one of the American engines by Norris that came over to England in 1846, which I saw at Bromsgrove (see diagram 26).
This engine was then doing contractor's work. I had seen these engines at first arrival at Bromsgrove.{on my London and Isle of Wight trip in 1846}

Joy now had an opportunity of testing one of these American engines which had been imported by the Birmingham and Gloucester Railway.

The little thing could pull, but she was odd, plenty of cast iron in her, even the cross- head pins were cast iron.

1 May 1851
Went to great 1851 Exhibition, for which I had a season ticket. It was a grand sight, but what gave one an idea of its size was that, as H.M. the Queen and procession passed up the nave, one could see the shaking of hats, etc., but no whisper reached one for long, and then it came on like a wave. And I knew they could tune one organ while another was playing full organ in another part of the building.
The locomotive department fetched me. There were the Great Western Railway "Lord of the Isles," or "Iron Duke"; "Lady of the Lake," London and North-Western Railway— the 'double boiler,' painted blue, and looking lovely; an "Ariel" by Kitson's, which went afterwards to North-Eastern Railway at Thirsk, also painted blue.

Joy next relates his experience on the locomotive with a premium pupil

Returning to Nottingham, I got on the engine, and found my gentleman driver there. He had come to Grantham to learn all about locomotives, driving also, as he was going out to India to take charge of a railway, and wanted to know all; he was what the drivers called a "well plucked 'un."

Getting on to the engine, I found she literally jumped under steam—she just was smart enough to make me look round, and say, "What's up?" There was no steam blowing off, but I felt the valve, and then looked at the markings on the balance—we had not gauges then as now. I just was astonished to find it registered 220 lbs.. Godfrey Mann said, "Oh, he thought it was all right, the engine was very jolly." I quietly let "her down a peg," not that I was afraid. I knew her strength.

Joy here illustrates in the diaries one of the Great Northern Railway's 6-coupled goods engines then being constructed at the Railway Foundry. Of these he says

I did not get one of these engines, they were too good for us, we only got one of those old lot with boilers same as the Manchester, Shef field and Lincolnshire Railway's big "Jennys," the cylinders being below the leading axle, 17 in. by 24 in.'— a low sort of engine.

In the autumn we were arranging to transfer the contract to work to Neal & Wilson, of Grantham, and this terminated October, 1851, and the company added to the plant another engine, an odd "Jenny" from the Railway Foundry.

I had a very hard time settling up, but got some nice runs in the country to Bottesford for Belvoir Castle, and the Mausoleum, to Preston to see Newton's birthplace and the tree from which the apple fell!

October 1851
Free from Grantham, looked out for something else.
North British Railway asked for a loco superintendent, so I hunted up all the testimonials I could muster, and set off one miserable January afternoon to Glasgow, spent about a fortnight seeing directors and officials, getting testimonials printed, etc., then sent in all, and in a few days learnt that there had been 150 applications, and I was one of three for a further consultation. Missed it after all. They said "I looked too young "—so I did, but I knew enough. Then I got ill. When better I stayed with some friends. Went to see Professor Nichol at the Glasgow Observatory. He showed me all over—his big reflector especially — 24 in. speculum, 20 ft. focal length—I consulted with him as to a reflector I had thought to make, 6 in. speculum, 6 ft. focal length. He said I could make 8 in. x 8 ft. quite as easily.
Home to Leeds and spent my winter drawing designs for locos. with the "Jenny" as my type, and with a very strong conviction that quitting the steam quickly was the way to get both speed and economy.

12 January 1852

He refers to a drawing of a single engine 'dated January 12th, 1852, which he made, and also shows a valve, of which he writes:

This was the valve with a double exhaust port. Dimensions of engine as below:—

Cylinder 15 in x 20 in
Blast pipe 5¾ in
Wheels (diameter) 6 ft in and 4 ft
Coupling 14 ft 11 in
Boiler (length) 11 ft
Area of 185 2 in. tubes 1,100 sq ft.
Firebox 83.5 sq. ft.
                         Total 1,183.5 sq ft


Coupling 14ft 5 in
Boiler (length) 10ft 6 in
Area of 185 2 in. tubes 1,050 sq ft
Firebox 83.5
Bridge 22.0

Then busy at big ports and big blast pipes. In the early spring of 1852 he learned that the Lancaster and Carlisle Railway was wanting a locomotive superintendent; he, therefore, obtained information as to directors, line, gradients, plant, engines (all big Crewe engines); and went to Liverpool to see directors, then to Penrith to see chairman—a seven miles drive out towards Ullswater, with Saddleback and Skiddaw to the right.

He was (in common with all the applicants) disappointed, for, after a lot of useless work, the Lancaster and Carlisle Railway arranged with the London and North Western Railway to work the line.

At Railway Foundry, where I sometimes called, heard that C.C. Williams, of London, was going to work Oxford, Worcester and Wolverhampton Railway, just now to be opened. Got big geological map, and spotted it all out, very sanguine to get into such a nice neighbourhood. Saw E. B. Wilson, and worked up for it. Still it hung fire till I got very low about it, till one Monday morning I.had dreamed that there was a letter for me, and there was one from E. B. W—, telling me to meet him at C.C. William's office next morning at 10 a.m. in London. I was off like a shot that afternoon at 4 o'clock by Great Northern Railway — April 18th. Joy, with his Nottingham and Grantham Railway experience, was just the man for the position, and Williams was not long in coming to the same conclusion, for at the interview everything was

Arranged straight off, and [Joy] set to work to get drivers and engines, carriages went from C. C. W.'s. works. We were to open on May 1st. in one fortnight.

Joy had his work cut out, for he had to scour the country to get the locomotives for working the railway. He

Went to Welwyn—Great Northern Railway—and got "Mudlark," a contractor's engine, to Offord—got a big six-coupled long boiler, by Stephenson, in very good condition. Then next day to Shrewsbury to hire Shrewsbury and Hereford engines; had to see Jeffrey before breakfast, but he could spare none. On to Leeds and Pontefract after a four-coupled "Jenny," a contractor's engine, just put in fine order at Railway Foundry, with the cheque (£1,250) in my pocket to pay for it. Then to Leeds to see a little engine in the shops at Railway Foundry—called "Canary"; she was a little mite. Arranged for all these to go to Worcester.

These engines were illustrated in the RAILWAY MAGAZINE for August, 1907 (p. 131).

I got the four first engines to Worcester, and on Saturday (April 29th) we had a trip with about 10 carriages and engine "A," with Jas. Greenham (driver) to Kidderminster for an opening dinner. All the directors, John Fowler, Williams, etc., were present. About 7 p.m. half the party wanted to get back to Droitwich, to catch a Midland train. I could not find Greenham, so took the engine myself, and did splendidly till I had delivered my passengers at Droitwich. Then in running back round my carriages the station master himself turned the wrong points, and shot me off the road on the bridge over the canal— tender first. Somehow I had not a ihought of my own personal danger, though the whole lot of us might have gone over into the canal. My only idea was my engine, for the train was fast—she was badly off the road, so I at once got hold of the contractor's engine, "Jack of Newbury "—an old "White Horse of Kent" type—and got to Kidderminster as fast as I could, to fetch my directors, etc. Utterly done up, I got to Worcester, and to bed.

Joy spent all the next day (Sunday) at Droitwich getting engine "A" onto the road, then worked her back to Worcester, adding:

She was no worse.
We opened the line on the Monday with nothing to remember—just these four engines.

He kept a careful account of the fuel expenditure, and gives the first coke list about as below

Engine 7 May 14 May 28 May
A 30,0 28.27 29.96 with 4¾ in. blast.
B 28.0 27.0 23.96
C 25.5 27.25 26.75
F 56.0 32.0

Then followed later the two North Staffordshire Railway engines

Engine 7 May 14 May
D 25.5 23.0
E 24.4 25.0

His comments upon above:

This was a most disheartening coke list after the work at Grantham.

The above shows the locomotive working costs for the first three months of the working the Oxford, Worcester and Wolverhampton Railway, and leads to Joy's comment:

All was not jam in working; we got a Sunday's work now. I was fetched out of chapel, an engine off the road at Camden. Took old "B" and spent the day there; but it was a lovely day, so we enjoyed it.

At this point Joy inserted a note about how Jenny Lind was doing.

Work on the London, Brighton and South Coast Railway with "Jenny Lind." 800 ft. class ; lap, 1 in. ; lead, 3/16 in. for express; average number of carriages, 10; coke, 15.0 lbs. ; speed, 50¼ miles in 1 hr. 15 mm., including all stoppages; diameter of blast pipe, ¾ in.; steam, 120 lbs.

And follows this with the remark:

All such facts we were working up to [on the Oxford, Worcester and Wolverhamptan Railway].

5 June

Immediately we began to have trouble with the water supply. We got our Worcester supply from Pinvin Brook, a stream running under the railway, which I had to measure, thus: Diameter of culvert, 3 ft. 1½ in. length of culvert, 15 ft. 6 in. ; speed of water through, 186 ft. per 10 sec., the depth of water being 2 ft., resulting in 17,352 gals. per 24 hours—a very dry season.

9 June
after very heavy rain, the water was from 2½ to 2¾ ft. deep in culvert.
Of course we began without shops or tools, and a most shabby shed (running) at Worcester, for two engines. I could only get repairs at a little smith's place which had a lathe that could turn a valve spindle. Mean while I did my own valve setting.
[method explained by diagram not reproduced in Rly Mag.]

Rly Mag Vol. 23 Page 149

Joy continues to describe the shifts he was put to to carry out necessary repairs to the rolling stock. He mentions that

One of our dodges to set rods, if they wanted a little shortening, was to heat them moderately over a fair length, and then plunge them in water. They would contract nearly 1/16 in. the first time, and much less each time for three or four heatings, then they went no further. [GAP]:
I had been badly off enough - at Grantham for repairs, here I was vastly worse, as the whole affair was so much bigger, and conveniences so much less.

After a few months working with second-hand machines, relief came with the arrival of the first new locomotives, which reached the Oxford, Worcester and Wolverhampton Railway in November, 1852, having been built by Hawthorns. Joy noted that No. 1 was the first engine he remembered to have a weather-board.

The passenger engines, both by Hawthorn and by Railway Foundry, were built to the same specification, but the Hawthorn had only 10 ft. boiler, while Railway Foundry had 10 ft. 6 in., but weighed about 1 ton less.
We did not get the first Railway Foundry engine till about January, 1863; this was No. 21


No. 1.
Cylinder 16 in. x 22 in.
Blast Pipe 5 3/8 in.
Wheels, Driving 5 ft. 9 in.
Leading 3 ft. 9 in.
Boiler 10 ft. x 4 ft. 4 in.
210 tubes 10ft. 5in. x 2in.                                 1144.0
Firebox 3 ft. 5 in. x 4 ft. 11 in. x 5 ft. deep
Midfeather 2 ft. 7 in.                                        117.5
Total                                                              1261.5
Couplings 15 ft. 6 in.
Weight about 30 cwt. more than No. 21.

No. 21.

Cylinder 16 in. x 22 in.
Blast Pipe 5 3/8 in.
Wheels, Driving .. 5 ft. 9 in.
Leading .. 3 ft. 9 in.
Boiler 10 ft. 6 in. x 4 ft. 1 in.
199 tubes 10 ft. 11 in. x 2 in.—1136
Firebox 3 ft. 6 in. x 4 ft. 6 in. x 5 ft. deep 112.75
Midfeather 2 ft. 3 in.
           Total                                             1248.75
Couplings 15 ft. 6 in.
Weight, loaded  29 tons 1 cwt. 2 qrs.

Joy here gives a log of a run with the ordinary 10.10 a.m. train from Worcester to Stourbridge. Engine No. 1, "Hawthorn." 3 carriages and 1 van.

It is well-known amongst locomotive men that engines may be "as like as two peas," and yet in working differ considerably. Such was the case with the Hawthorn and Railway Foundry engines on the Oxford, Worcester and Wolverhampton Railway.
I soon found the difference between my two classes of engines, and that it was as great as the difference in the sections of their connecting rods. This 21 class, Railway Foundry, would always answer to any little nursing, and would go; the others, No. 1 class, were as dead as a hammer, and averaged at least 1 lb. [more] of coke per mile, and this was a good deal on our hard-fought coke list.
Another thing, they broke a good many coupling rods, and once this occurred on the Kidderminster viaduct, 135 ft. high—a wooden structure—the safety was that the two loose ends kept swinging round, but they punched holes clean through the 3 in. planks of the bridge.
On that same viaduct little " Canary" broke a connecting.rod while taking a local passenger train; luckily she was tender first, so no one was scalded, but she had a hole right through both firebox shells, and let out all the water.
All the engines but old " A "—now No: 31— had both inside and outside bearings on the crank axle, and as these came from the works (the inside) mostly with very little weight, they would knock like thunder; this I soon found meant breaking, and mostly in the crank pin, and also mostly in the lively class of engines, No. 21. Why that was I never could tell. They began by showing a most delicate little hue close in to the rivet—this spread on and on. Soon I took to bolting them as shown by the dotted lines, a 2 in. steel bolt driven tight into a drilled hole, and as nearly through lnto the neck as was safe, so the bolt got the better leverage over the crack. [See diagram 27 in July issue.] After this I was no more afraid of broken cranks, and used to finish such cranks out on the engines.
I once was on an engine (No. 23, driver Joe Burt) with a bolted crank, known to be far gone, and, on leaving Pershore with our train, I recognised the peculiar bump, which I watched quieten down, as it always did, on getting into speed, but I told the driver the crank was gone, and so it proved, on arriving at the "running" sheds with the work done. On backing, the wheels opened and the engine dropped off the rails. But we got the knack of treating these things, and as we were awfully short of plant were forced to sail often very close to the wind.
Another trouble was loose tyres with no means to re-shrink them. Often and often I had them pinned with steel slips of hoop. I had one worse than usual on an otherwise very good engine, No. 17, working over the Oxford end, and so doing fast work. First I uncoupled her, so making a single engine of her, and relieving much of the strain on the tyre, then I drilled small ~ in. taper holes between the tyre and the rim of the wheels, about 6~ in. apart, gradually widen ing to half round the tyre. Into these holes I drove tightly steel conical pins, so that half the way round the tyre was bound on the rim, and half the way was carried on these pins, and a very good job we made of it, as may be proved from the fact that she ran 11,000 miles after the operation before she was sent to the shops ; of course the pins were constantly and carefully watched. I have myself ridden on the train forward to watch how they went on, and at night have seen one or two shake loose and make the fire fly against the splasher—but then I never counted fear.
Then constantly, as an engine came into the shops, when we had got them later on, the first thing was to strip her of her wheels, put her tyres right—new ones, if necessary, or turn up, if not—then the set were kept, that tiny engine of the same class, showing failure in that line, and being otherwise good, and impossible to be spared, after duty at night, would steam into the erecting shop, take a berth, and be lifted, and the waiting set of wheels be exchanged for her own, and so in the morning she would go out again like a new engine for her work.
This big erecting shop was a boon, enabling us so to handle our engines, that by a fore thought they could be kept on these wheels the longest possible time. And to enable me to easily watch all this I made and kept a diagrammatical table. [This table is given in the Original Diary]

"Mac's Mangle"
About now I got a spin into London on a very famous engine of her time, which went by the name of " Mac's Mangle," at the time thought to be about as big as an engine could be built for the nar row gauge. She was built by Mr. McConnell in 1849, at Wolverton. Cylinders, 18 in. x 24 in. ; wheels, 6ft. 6 in. single drivers, carrying 4 ft. boiler surface, 1,383 sq. ft.; cylinders outside and main bearings, which made her too wide for the platforms, which were cut down, hence her nickname. I remember passing Willesden junction on her, then a platform only planks very slender station; on the level ground.

The question of coke consumption was the one of greatest importance, as I considered that all else hung on this. If a driver worked his engine so as to save coke, it meant his looking after her in every way, and keeping her in first-class condition, so the engine at the top of the coke list mostly was the best in condition. I gave two coke premiums half-yearly. I think £5 (or £10) and £2 l0s. (or £5), and the list appeared weekly on Monday morning, when the men rushed to see it like boys.

Though I, strangely enough, have not one copy left, I perfectly remember what they were like, and reproduce one.


*J Burt
*George Emley
Richard Seward
James Leedham
David Jakman
J. Grant
J. McGee
Worcester ..
Worcester . Worcester . .
Worcester ..
Oxford to Worcester
,, ,,
,, ,,
,, ,.
Dudley to Oxford
Dudley to Worcester
Dudley, Worcester and Kidderminster ..

* Prize men.

So, of course, the Oxford end men had the easy running, see "list of Trains, Gradients, etc."

Joy experimented with the blast pipe so as to obtain the uttermost value from the fuel.

The blast pipes we got up to 5 3/8 in. inside diameter as a permanent size for summer, and sometimes we could knock it out to 5½ in., but the least bad weather coming on, the man had to have it off, and tap it in all round to the 5 3/8 in.

In the Original Diaries Joy sketched a section of the smoke box, chimney, and blast pipe cap, as he finally settled them, to get the lowest consumption of fuel, and the following is his graphic description of the measures he took to obtain reliable data
To get at this I used to spend almost hours, crouched on the buffer beam, with the smoke-box door just a little open for a — moment at once, to watch the action of the blasts, and I kept lowering the pipe, by cut ting a bit off the cast, iron pipe, a n d gradually opening out the copper cap; in all this my men seconded me admirably, entering into the spirit of it, while I hung on at the front by one hand,and dodged the smoke-box door with the other. At last got the blast so softened down, that in such running as shown on trip, August 1st 1853, with No. 22—where running continuously over 50 miles per hour, you could not hear the "beat" at all either by stooping on the footplate, and putting your ear to the slightly opened fire door, or by going forward and putting your ear close to the chimney side. The firebox showed only an incan descent surface of coke, no flame higher than an inch or two, and none of the violent agitation one often sees.

He educated his drivers up to the point of strictest economy, the fuel premiums doubt less largely contributing to the success he obtained. He thus refers to the economic spirit he had inculcated in his drivers

Of course, the point was to get a light blast, to save coke, only getting just steam for the work, and to blow any off at the safety- valve, a man would not dream of it. Often they would hardly whistle—it cost steam. Our driver's plan was to work up the fire for some time before starting, and at "time" have a full fire with all the top layer black cool coke, not burnt through, then start off very easily "pulled up" immediately, and with no blast to disturb the fire and no flurry of steam to pull out the water from the boiler and get into running. So a stranger on the engine, at starting, always said we meant losing time, but, giving the engine her time, the man somehow got them to steal away, and when they were two miles away, they would be simply flying, and apparently with no effort, and not a shade of "flogging."

The blast was not the only detail of the locomotives in which Joy personally took an interest; another important item was the piston.

We only had then the V packings, as already sketched, and the drivers set them up them selves, sparing no trouble to have them tight (steam tight) ; no piston, or valves, were ever allowed to blow with us, yet they kept them as loose in the cylinders, as they would hold steam.

But the piston question will arise later.

Joy next gives some additional reminiscences of his experiences with 'foreign' locomotives—the year is still 1853.

Just now I was brought a good deal across a lot of very big engines building; the most extraordinary was a big type patented by J. E. MacConnell, of Wolverton Shops, London and North-Western Railway, South Branch. We built some of the biggest of these at Railway Foundry, with which place I had still some mysterious tie.

Referring to MacConnell's engine, illustrated by diagrams 29 and 30 in our July issue, Joy remarks

This engine had cylinders 18 in. x 24 in. 8 ft. wheels ; 10 ft. 10 in. couplings. This engine took 34 carriages loaded with 5 tons each, with five stoppages, from Birmingham to London, in 3 hrs. 16 min. at 40 lbs. coke per mile.

Two of the 15 in. cylinder, 6 ft. wheel Crewe engines did the same at 2l½ lbs. each =43 lhs. for the total load.

The smaller class had cylinders 16 in. x 22 in. ; wheels, 7 ft. ; couphugs, 16 ft. 10 in. Surface firebox extended, 241.5 sq. ft. ; 234 tubes, 7 ft. x l¾in,, 753·5 sq. ft. ; total, 995 sq. ft., to evaporate 8½ lbs. water to 1 lb. coke. Weight, 24½ tons empty, 27 tons loaded. To take 12 carriages at 60 miles per hour on 20 lbs. coke. Saving of fuel, 25 per cent. centre of gravity, 7½ in. lower.

There was a talk of our having one of these engines on the Oxford, Worcester and Wolver hampton Railway, so I had to work up all the information as above.

The specialities of this boiler were first by extending the firebox into the boiler to get more firehox surface, also to allow of the boiler being bulged up over the cranks so as to get the centre lower. [See sketch page 47 —July issue.] Yet MacConnell had built the "Bloomers" for the tallest engines yet.

MacConnell had a lot of these built, and a lot altered, but they did not last, and long since have disappeared like the compensating girders, which are not used in this country, though still they hold their own in America, and other places where the roads are bad.

Now I had got brought into contact with a lot of South Country railway men—J. E. MacConnell for one—and in this March I was elected a member of the Mechanical Engineers' Institution, then having headquarters at Birmingham, and W. P. Marshall for secretary, and for presidents Stephenson, Penn, Humphreys, Maudslay, MacCounell, and others. I was proposed by MacConnell, and arranged to attend the meetings at Birmingham, as I could always get a coal train put on at night to get me home from Dudley, after our ordinary passenger trains had gone. Of course, I lived at Worcester, and now that we had got our repairing shops and a big running shed under Rainbow Hill, I took a dear little house just above the shed. I could see all, and be called in one minute.

April 1853
Now I was busy with all sorts of experiments. I took one of our four-coupled engines to Bromsgrove to see what we could pull up the bank. The engine had 16 in. x 22 in. cylinders ; 5 ft. 9 in. wheel; 120 lbs. steam, this time blowing off; load, 6 wagons coke, 51 tons 4 cwt. ; engine, 28 tons 10 cwt., 15 tons 10 cwt. Total, 95 tons 4 cwt.
[The incline was 1 in 27 up]
I hung on the step or ran alongside all the way, and if we had gone much further we should have stuck.

Speeds obtained in experiment

11th Furlong 3 58 0
12th 3 59 0 7.5
13th 4 0 0 7.5
14th 4 1 15 6.0
15th 4 2 30 6.0
16th 4 3 45 6.0

1 May
Received an order from the engineer's office in London—John Fowler—" for an engine, two first-class carriages, and a van, and a driver who dare run." Said I, "Right you are." Took Joe Leedham, one of the Hell Fire Dick" men; two or three men bore this sobriquet. We were at Yarnton or Wolvercot Junction on the morning, and all ready to take our passengers from the Great Western Railway special. I was, of course, on the engine—No. 21.

The 'log' of the run is given on this page.

A report was sent from one of the stations to the headquarters of the Oxford, Worcester and Wolverhampton Railway at Worcester that the "special train had passed at 60 miles an hour." , This report, in due course, came before Joy, who remarks " I countersigned it, ' Yes, all right.'

Under date of July, 1853, Joy makes reference to a dinner held previous to the opening to Oxford. Special linen table-cloths * [* These cloths were mentioned in a Pertinent Paregraph in the RAILWAY MAGAZINE for January 1899, page 30].were woven for this ceremony.

There had been a "slip" of the earthworks and Joy recounts how the watchman was killed.

Took a big special, two engines and 25 carriages, to Oxford with directors and share holders for a dinner—the line all covered and guarded by navvies and platelayers. It was a gala day just before the opening to Oxford. Returning late at night, with every point signalled I was on the leading engine, and both were running tender first. The light at the end of the tunnel where the slip was, did not appear, so we slackened down, and passed the slip very slowly, seeing nothing of the light or the man. Next morning we were told we had gone over him.

He gives details of another exciting experience; indeed, these appear to have been generally common at that time.

Then we had another special, and took up to Oxford two engines and 22 carriages. Again I was on the leading engine, and they had sent no notice down the line of our coming. It was a lovely summer evening. Suddenly slipping under a bridge the other side of Evesham at about 35 miles per hour, we saw the road lifted 8 in. both sides, a longish sleeper under it ; there was but time

to whistle the men away, and go on to wait the result. We went up, and then down, like a horse over a gate, and then turned as we stood on the tender to see if all else were also as lucky. My opinion is that the compensating girders kept the wheels down, and so kept us on the road.

Our diarist has now evidently got into a reminiscent frame of mind, for he proceeds

Then I follow with a lot of incidents which may not be quite in order of date, but serve as illustrations of the work and the life.

Joy next gives particulars as to experiments in valve setting

This setting of valves was a question of vast experiment, and no pains were spared to get equal setting. Of course it was done by "pinching" the engine along on a level bit of road, with the position of the piston marked carefully on the slide bars; but further, for "leads" the centre was marked with a punch on the wheel tyre, and set with a trammel to another punch centre mark on the frame. Thus, in pinching, if the point were passed, there was a great fuss made to go back beyond it, so as to pull up to it to keep all joints tightened up in the direction they were working.

To note the opening of the valve at lead, a few little slips of wood were used 3/8 in. square, and tapered as above, and these were inserted in the port, and. a very accurate measure could he so taken, for it must be remembered the valve could not he seen, but only felt, and only one at once, the other being taken out to examine the one.

End of year or beginning of 1854

Had a narrow escape of being off the road with G. Emby and No. 26; going down to Stourbridge, empty engine, tender first, without notice, dashing round a sharp curve from under a bridge, there was a platelayers' trolly just in front of us. Emby reversed the engine, stoker shoved on the brakes, till the water, thrown forward, poured out of the tender tank like a river. The navvies in no time, tipped up the trolly from the "six foot" and toppled it, going with it down into the ditch, and we rolled over the spot a second after—all right.

Nearly on the same spot, but on the straight road one of the passenger engines broke a leading axle just inside the wheel; running ordinary speed, about 40 miles per hour, the wheel sluthered down on to the longitudinal timber, and kept straight on, so the engine did not leave the line—again nIl right.

Joy next explains how he was called, in those pre-telephone days, when an accident happened during the night.

Next was a bigger bother. No. 14, with George Benson taking the 9.35 p.m. down to Dudley, broke a trailing tyre just beyond Hartlebury. I had got to bed when the shed man tickled my window with the usual long stick with the little bunch of wire at the end. Shedman: "Engine off at Hartlebury." I: "Get No. 20 ready." I, to my housekeeper "Richardson, coffee and toast, smart." Then I dressed and found the meal ready. Gulped it quickly, and slipped down to shed, just below me, to find No. 20 crawling out of the shed with 20 lb. steam only. Joe Lester, my man, was there, also Adcock, general manager, shivering in the cold, and others. Joe said he could "pick her up," so we started with 20 lbs. steam, and this time "a hook on the block." Before we were 10 miles away, past Droitwich, we were spinning away like a bird. Arrived at the accident, found it an awfully narrow shave, the trailing tyre had broken through, but held in one big open ring hanging on to the engine, till she stuck in the longitudinal timbers, stopping all quietly, almost without shaking the passengers. The traffic department took them and handled them, and we tackled the engine and tender to get them out of the way; it was 12 midnight.

This accident gives the diarist an opportunity of telling how he catered for the breakdown gang

As usual, when I had laid my plans, and got all away, I sent a deputation to the nearest 'public' for cans of coffee, and bread cut thick, and butter. Men work best on such staff on cold, dark nights; we had big fires, and really it was very jolly, but we did not get clear till dawn was showing, about 5 a.m. Then I passed glasses of beer round, and bundled all the men into our breakdown train, to sleep till Worcester. That was all right, too.

There was a length of bad line at Camden tunnel, that had so frequently been raised by sleepers being placed under it, that it was known as the 'bird-cage.' Joy recounts an incident at this spot

Next was a slip off in Camden Tunnel—this was with G. Emby on No. 16; she got over the "Bird-cage," and then slipped off and dived for the tunnel side, which kept her in bounds, but she went down axle deep—indeed, the axle (leading) rested on the rail, and nearly far enough in the tunnel to be in darkness. I was there soon after, and found some young ones at it, floundering, and only sinking the engine worse, because they were in a hurry to get her up, before they had got anything to lift her free. I tackled the soft ground with big longitudinal timbers, and, by lifting all over her base, soon had her on the rails. It was not a big job, but in thcse cases there is nothing like patience. at starting; it's no good to get a precursory lift and let all sink back.

WITH regard to these accidents, Joy agrees with Mr. R. Johnson, the late chief engineer of the Great Northern Railway, that a good deal of pleasure results from the supervision of the work of clearing away the results of an accident.

I used to find this tackling an accident, or a run off the road, one of the most inter esting things I had to do, and of all things one requiring patience and thought before tackling, that when you began lifting you kept all you got. Joy has let his reminisce n t mood run away with him in talk ing about the ' Bird- cage 'before descr i bin g it, but he soon re members the omission, and writes

Now it is about time to describe the " Bird cage. ' It was a slip at the tunnel mouth, opening out into a has cutting, running north to Worcester, and at once commencing in a falling gradient of 1 in 100—for 3 miles.

This began with the ballast slightly rising and turning soft, when the line was packed with big longitudinal sleepers from below, and these were crossed, and crossed again as the road went on lifting, till we were nearly twice the height of a man over the level of the other road. We were always hand signalled over it, always careful, and never had an accident. But "it grew," " it grew," "it grew," as the song has it.

It was down this Honeybourne bank that one of my very best men got into a bother— the first time of our being forced into the use of coal alone, no coke, owing to a big strike at the collieries. Joe Burt was all right, as long as he was pulling, but we used to sweep down Honeybourne at 60 miles per hour (it was always in magnificent order) with the least whiff of steam on—just to keep the cylinder moist, and the tail end brake on, just to steady the train. It was just lovely to go down like that. With an inch of snow on the rails, you could hardly hear the train run. But this time Joe had come down like this, and at the bottom found himself without steam (we had not steam gauges then), you could only feel the spring balance. The fact was, with no blast on, and the dampers close shut, nearly air tight, the smoke from the coal had backed into the firebox, and choked the fire dead. Joe pulled along quietly, and soon whipped up his fire. Those engines, 23 class, were so sensitive to any coaxing. He was soon on the way again. Still, it was something to remember.

One reason for the favour in which longitudinal sleepers were held was their superiority in cases of derailment, which were far from infrequent in the 'fifties.' Joy records the case of a horse-box being off the line and jumping on again. Several cases of this character are recorded on railways laid with longitu dinal sleepers. On that bank—at 60 miles per hour— we had a horsebox off the road at the tail of the train, and it ran so for a mile, jumping on again at the crossing at Honeybourne, just as the station master there was expecting it to roll over, but it had left its mark as proof, part way down the bank on the cross trans-over.

February 14th, 1854, was a 'black-letter day' on the Oxford, Worcester and Wolverhampton Railway.

On this date we had a big "spill" just the other side of Worcester Tunnel, and being near I was instantly on the spot. A wagon axle broke in the middle of a train, wrecking most behind it. I took special notice as I considered a typical case illustrating how the constant jar on axles altered their constitution from fibrous to crystaline.

The axle broke short off at both ends close to the boss of the wheel, and dropped off.

The keen interest taken by Joy in contemporary railway working can be gathered from the following paragraph; whilst the table he compiled is most useful as a record of railway speed of 1854.

To see if we were up to standard, I compiled from "Bradshaw" a list of trains run by various railways compared on an equally situated 50 mile run—Oxford, Worcester and Wolverhampton; London and Brighton; London and North-Western; Great Western; London and South-Western.


Name of line ENGINEs. Miles Av. 6 months per engine
Oxford, Worcester and Wolverhampton
Manchester, Sheffield and Lincolnshire
Edinburgh and Glasgow
Edinburgh, Dundee and Perth

Joy congratulates the 'Old Worse and Worse Railway' upon the result of the comparison. He thus comments:-

So our speeds bore a very good comparison with anything else, and we had 4 miles of 1 in 100—a "Birdcage" to go over, and ½ mile of 20 chain curves.

After the first half of 1854 was completed, Joy prepared another comparative table, which we reproduce. This shows that, with the exception of the Manchester, Sheffield and Lincoinshire Railway, whose figures are slightly in excess of those of the Oxford, Worcester and Wolverhampton Railway, the latter railway's engines ran some thousands of miles per engine more during the six months than did the locomotives of the other railways mentioned in the table.
Under date of May 19th, 1854, is the entry

Still on the search for what was best and most economical, I went to Southampton to run with Beattie's new patent firebox on the "Britannia." [See sketch No. 32, page 151, August issue.]

The trip was from London to Winchester, 66½ miles on 714 gals. 14 carriages all the way ; *15 per cent. coke, 5 per cent. coal, at 14-15 lbs. per mile.

There is inserted in the Diaries a copy of Mr. Beattie's statement given at the meeting of the Institution of Mechanical Engineers on January 25th, 1854, as follows
Double trip, London to S'hampton 157½ miles.
Average carriages .. down 12.8
                                    up 15.5
Speed average down 31.4 Miles per hour.
                            up 29.4
Coke per train mile :: 17.1
Water per lb. of fuel  8.3
Burning 1/3 coal=in coke to 15.3 lbs. per mile.

Joy evidently meant the proportions were: 3 of coke to 1 of coal —75 per cent, coke and 25 per cent, coal.

Same day [19 May 1854] I returned to London on the "Duke" ; 10 to 14 carriages, 16.38 lbs. coke and coal ; cost of locomotive power on London and South-Western Railway, February, 1850 = 9.36d. per mile.
Joy  at this point gives particulnrs of some trials between two steamers, which were carried out at Southampton at this time. The Hymalaya (screw) and Abrato (paddle). He remarks that he believes this was the first test of screw versus paddle on a large scale.
Still dealing with comparative statistics, Joy now presents an exhaustive and interesting table, showing the cost of working. the traffic on the Oxford, Worcester and Wolverhampton Railway at this date (1854).
It is instructive to find that our diarist has separated the cost of working the goods traffic from that of the passenger traffic, a point usually neglected in compiling such tables. These statistics ought to satisfy the
most rabid. 'ton-mileist, and, doubtless. these theorists will claim Joy as ' an out--and-outer ton-mileist' when they read the
[see joy224.gif]
Under date of November, 1854, Joy illustrates two locomotives belonging to the Manchester, Sheffield and Lincoinshire Railway (see diagram 33, page 152, August issue), and with reference to them states

These two engines- were hired for help when we got short because the shops were late. The bridge on the firebox over the trailing-wheel was awful trouble, always leaking, but the engines could pull.

Sometimes our big people cared to see how it was done. One dark, stormy night, our chairman, Lord Redesdale, stepped on to the footplate at Charlbury. I was there, and he said he should like to see 60 miles per hour. It was the night up express, J. Burt and No. 17 this time. "Certainly, your lordship," said I, and told Joe. So Joe looked round, and did not seem to do much. I gave his lordship my usual stand at the left weather-board.

He wore an ordinary over coat and, a top hat. After about a mile run, he leaned over to me, to ask if this was 60 miles. "Not yet, but soon," I said. In another half- mile his lordship was grasping the hand rail with the left and his hat with his right, like grim death—we were on it, rushing like mad a little over 60 miles per hour—not much to us, but with his "rig-out," I don't think he liked it. I knew it was not nice, but he could not say stay, he had too much pluck; and he had to "grin and bide it" for five more miles. In those days railway mishaps were expected, and Joy thus alludes to them

Through this winter of 1854—5 the usual number of contretemps happened.

One piece of smart action by J. Ludham, to wit. He was bringing down a coal train from Dudley with No. 25, and slipping down the long bank into Droitwich, with the white light in front of him, and be sure not slowly, when suddenly the white popped into red just in front of him, but too late, on the bank and with the speed, to stop at the signal box, and to his dismay he saw the south mail sweeping round the curve at a, with the signal in his favour. [See plan on page 153, August issue.] To attempt to check speed would be just to meet the mail at the junction and smash up. He took the other chance, caught the attention of the mail driver, and hypnotised him to check up, and himself with [engine No.] 25 and his string of coal wagons rushed through the junction in safety to both trains.

The thought of a moment carried out in a moment; but did not that signalman get it I—Joe got "Kudos."

That winter Pershore station sent to the loco. department a very heavy parcel one morning, asking us if it was ours, and if we knew what it was? It was a foot of a tender tyre which had been thrown by the last express passing; they had heard a bump on the tender, and, looking round, all appearing right, kept speed into Worcester, and ran up to the shed; when attempting to back, the tender dropped off the road, the trailing wheel tyre gone.

Joy's next entries refer to his endeavours to scheme a piston to get great elasticity, and so light friction and great simplicity. He thus explains the course he adopted

To get elasticity I went in for the old weather packing, a spiral, but first I cut off the taper ends, which made a piston slacken in the "junck-ring" as it wore down, and uncoiled. Then I abandoned the junck-nng, and threaded my coil into a solid block piston.

An illustration of this piston is here given in the Diaries. Joy proceeds

This piston fitted into the position of the old ones, the rods only were to turn down to screw into the block of the piston; and the larger diameter of the packing ring and its great elasticity allowed it to be easily threaded on to the piston.

The piston thus was a block turned to 1/16 in. less than the diameter of the cylinder. Then a spiral recess is cut in it with a ½ in. tool set at ½ in. pitch cutting 3 in. more than two revolutions, and a ½ in. hole drilled at each end to clear the tools.

Joy's piston packing was formed out of a cast iron ring, turned inside and out; then, being plaoed on a mandril, a spiral groove was cut through it with an 1/8 in. tool set at 5/8 in. pitch, leaving the coil from which packings could be cut, taking two coils and ¾ in., which would so just fill the groove on the piston when squeezed into place. Joy was well satisfied with his work, of which he writes

These pistons were so loose, that on knocking out the crosshead cotter, I could easily push the piston up the cylinder.
Yet they were so steam-tight that on cottering up, the steam might be turned on behind without showing a whiff of steam.
Indeed, when Mr. Marshall, the secretary of the Mechanical Engineers' Institution, came over to see the piston, he was first shown the steam on at the back of the pistons, with the cylinder cocks open, and could hardly at first be persuaded the steam really was on the piston.

So satisfactory did our diarist consider his packing, that he not only read a paper at the Mechanical Engineers' Institution meeting at Birmingham on this subject, on October 24th, 1855, for which he received the usual "vote of thanks," but he also patented it. This was Joy's first 'patent,' and, seeing that he afterwards developed into a man of many patents, the event marked a milestone in his professional career. He says

It stands No. 38, January 6th, 1855. And afterwards I repeated it in France, Germany, and Belgium.

'water trouble' soon received Joy's attention, and of it he writes

All this time we had been worried by very bad water at some of our stations. Here is a list of all, given in the order of their quality—

Kidderminster 2-2 of objectionable matter
Churchill 6.15
Charlbury 11.73
Moreton-on-the-Marsh 13.67
Wolverhampton, Tunnel 15.15
Oxford 16.32
Dudley 26.21
Evesham 27.80
Worcester, Tunnel 31.12
W. Hampton, new well 32.74
Droitwieh 37.27
Worcester, Perry Wood 55.49

The last-mentioned water was so bad, and, although it looked 'pellucid and clear,' Joy made a special analysis, which disclosed the following constituents of this 'pellucid and clear ' aqueous treasure

Specific gravity 1002—2562.

Carbonates of Lime and Magnesia
Oxide of Iron, and matter in Suspicion
11.10 grains per gal
Chloride of Magnesia 3.70
Sulphate of Magnesia 84.14
Sulphate of Lime 44.39
Sulphate of Soda 22.03
Silica, etc., insoluble after evaporation 1.94
Loss and organic matter .90
Obtained by direct evaporation 168.20

This water, looking as bright as could be, played the "very jackdaw" with our boilers, and specially with firebox stays. For long I had found the two or three top rows of stays failing, just as if they had been cut round with a tool.
They gave no sign before breaking, and you might tap the heads outside and all stays would give the correct tone, and the next morning the whole top row would be gone.
After a good deal of thought and consulting my old readings in electrkity, I concluded that the water we were using, when at boiling temperature, at any rate, became a solution capable of setting up a galvanic action between the two metals forming the outer shell of the firebox in iron, and the copper stays, by which, of course, the stays suffered. For this there was no mechanical remedy, and only a mechanical test, which I thus applied. I had an eighth of an inch hole drilled into about the centre qf each stay, then the corroding effect proceeding towards the centre, opened a leakage at one side before the stay would break and show the neighbourhood attacked, for this attack of a lot of stays was not regular or according to set rules, but once detected was soon watched and set right, by renewal of stays.

During the summer of 1855 negotiations were initiated between the Oxford, Worcester and Wolverhampton Railway as to arrangements for it being worked by the Great Western Railway, or by the London and North-Western Railway. These ended in the London and North-Western Railway working the south branch from Wolvercote, or Handboro' to Worcester, just the pick of the line, but this brought some fresh engines out.

31 October 1855
This evening I had a big spin with No. 31—J. Burt. I had stripped this engine and made her into a single "Jenny" 5 ft. 6 in.wheels, but I could put any pressure into her I liked.
This evening she was on the 5.0 p.m. train for London, the last day of Worcestet Races, and all our directors and Williams going by the train to catch the London and North Western Railway train at Handboro', so there was a good train on — 13, with horse boxes.
Adcock, traffic manager, sent for me to know if I was aware of the train, and that "my little engine" was on (they knew I was petting the thing). I answered in a wax, "I'll eat her if she does not do it," told Joe Burt, seat for my coat, and we went off 14 sec. late with 150 lb. steam. By the time we got to Honeybourne we had 175 lbs., and went up the bank in the fourth notch, crashing like guns at the chimney. Lost a few minutes to Moreton, but the guard winked at us, and said, "You'll do it, sir." We had to catch the North-Western at Handboro'. Then we ran (slightly down) as hard as the engine would run, she rolled in those elastic horn plates like a ship at sea; with 150 lbs. I guess she went, and arrived at Handboro' 2 mm. before time.
This trip was run in 1 hour 14 min., deducting 14 sec. late, and 2 min. inside time, including the bank, the Birdcage crossing at: Campden, and stopping at Moreton.

26 November 1855
I tried the following experiment to see if I could parallelize the effect of a very big wheel on our size cylinder, so stopped off one cylinder, and said, Two 16 in. cylinders on 11 ft. 6 in. wheels one 16 in. cylinder on 5 ft. 6 in. wheels.

He tried this experiment with locomotive No. 22 and a train of six coaches, the train being the 12.50 ex Worcester. his 'log' of the run is as follows

Booked Actual Stops
Worcester 12.50 1.5 Once to pinch when shunting train pinched off to start.
Pershore 1.5 1.19
Fladbury 1.12 1.25
Evesham 1.20 1.33
1 Had to reverse to get off.
Honeybourne.. 1.30 1.44
1 2nd notch up bank, all she could do with steam at
120 lbs.
Campden 1.45 1.57
3 To reverse.
Blockley 1.50 2.5
1 Went in second carriage in train, found a severe check on carriage on taking steam for two revolutions.
Moreton 2.0 2.13
1 Screwed couplings tight.
Adlesthrop 2.10 2.22
1 Rolled over some bad road, but not the result of the side push of cylinder.
Shipton 2.20 2.32
1 One mile in 70 secs., blast scarcely audible in firebox.
Charlbury 2.30 2.42
1 Running hard, very slight oscillation.
Handboro' 2.45 2.52
10 Took off carriages, got off with two going into speed immediately.
Oxford 3.10 3.13 12 minutes made up.

This trip was run with the ordinary blast cap 5 3/8 in., see continuous experiment, Nov. 27tb, at 11.30 a.m.

Another experiment was concerned with the size of the fireboxes.
Our engines all had midfeathers across the fireboxes, separating them into two. I had always a fancy that the fireboxes were too large, and so we burnt more coke, so I bricked over the bars of the front furnace, and started to run with only the one to see if, as the smaller grate area, we could burn less fuel. This was not so. As instead of the easy running we were accustomed to, and the free steaming with a very slight blast, and a draft that hardly lifted the flame from the surface of the fire; we had to be constantly flogging the fire, and driving and forcing the engine, so I was satisfied that a fair-sized engine, with a big grate, and a very big surface, and let run, instead of forced, was the way to save fuel.
Soon after the Oxford, Worcester and Wolverhampton Railway helped me. to prove this, as they bought two new engines, again from Railway Foundry, cylinders 15 in. x 20 in. ; wheels, 6 ft. 6 in. ; surface about 1,000 ft. But these engines could not touch ours for fuel consumption; anyway, they did not. It might have been the men; they always seemed to be driving, pounding away; the ' beat was like pistol shots, and would not be softened down.

In the early winter of 1855 Joy went to the Paris Exhibition, crossing one wild night by Dover in a wretched little boat called Wave. She shot up and down like a rocking- horse, and took heavy spray over her from stem to stern. Of the Exhibition itself he writes
I fear I learnt little at this exhibition, and sketch only the most extravagant idea, L'Agile." Attempting to sketch it, it seems too absurd; however, it had four wheels 9 ft. diameter, and not coupled, but worked by separate cylinders.
Then there was the Engerth engine, which - I leave, as there was nothing to learn.

March 1855
Then came all the preparations for the giving up of the contract, and the valuation of the stock. Arbitrators were appointed, Archibald Sturrock, of the Great Northern Railway, for us; C.C. Williams, for the contractor and W. E. MacConnell, of the London and North-Western Railway, for the Company.
They did not get much change out of us, as witness: Mac wanted to say one engine, No. 22, had been burnt on her furnace crown, I mean firebox top—and he would have her tested by cold water, by pushing her about by another engine and making her own pumps fill her, till the water came out at the safety valves when screwed down to 220 lbs. He put a man in the firebox to set a gauge, and then put him in again when the pumping was complete, to see if the top came down, but, of course, the moment the pumping ceased, the pressure dropped by reason of a few little leaks, and his man reported the box did not move, and I grinned behind Mac. Then he would not beheve No. 31, the old "Jenny," had a sound box, and would have it drilled, aiming first under the firebox door where he thought to find it burnt thin, 5/16 in. perhaps. It turned out  5/8 in.; she even seemed as if the drill would never go though, and I laughed again.

The arbitrators arrived at the following table of values of the rolling stock


£ £
19 Passenger Engines 3,000 57,000
8 Goods 3,200 25,600
19 First-class Carriages.. 350 6,650
11 Composite 320 3,520
35 Second-class. 250 8,750
59 Third-class 225 13,275
16 Passenger vans 225 3,600
10 Horse Boxes 150 1,500
7 Carriage Trucks 105 735
20 Goods Vans 225 4,500
6 Coke wagons 100 600
223 High-sided Wagons 100 22,300
233 Coal Wagons 95 22,135
60 Low-sided wagons 90 5,400
50 Hanson's Vans, covered 140 7,000
12 Timber Trucks 120 1,440
4 Goods vans (10 tons) 300 1,200

The result that while Williams' invoice prices for all the plant were .. £160,296

The valuation by the arbitrators was .. .. .. .. £183,205
Hurrah .. .. .. £22,909

This increase in the value of the plant was the result of the attention which Joy had given to its maintenance: hence his elation with the result. He concludes the second volume of his Diaries with the remark

I had done my duty by the lot, but Worcester was closed to me, and again I was on the world.

Third volume: introduction  (Joy's Diaries Part 2)
Hitherto in this History I have only noticed such engines as I either had a hand in designing or running. But about the first Exhibition time I came in touch with several exceptionally large engines, partly built for the Exhibition traffic especially. The first I sketch was before this, in about 1846 the Great Western "Lord of the Isles." Another engine was Crampton's "Liverpool," [neither illustrated herein] This engine ran the expresses between Wolverton and London, once hauling 40 carriages on time ; but she was thought too heavy for the road, though only 35 tons and with tender 56 tons.
Also for 1851 Exhibition traffic a big 7 ft.6 in. single engine was built by Hawthorns for the Great Northern Railway. This was a" bogie" engine—perhaps the first big "bogie."
Cylinders, 17 in. by 26 in. ; wheel, 7 ft. 6 in.: about 1,500 ft. surface, and near 50 tons weight. [See diagram 37, page 225.]
Mr. Sturrock, of Doncaster, loco. superintendent of the Great Northern Railway, told me of this engine that, with some directors, who had chaffed him "that the engine never had done anything," finding her on the train at Hitchin with 14 carriages on, he ordered the driver to do his best to Holloway Bridge, the ticket station for King's Cross—31 miles. After frightening the guard, they ran it in 28 min.

Among these big engines of the day follows Pearson's big double bogie tank engine of the Bristol and Exeter Railway. Cylinders, 17 in. by 24 in. or 26 in. ; wheel, 9 ft. [Diagram 38, not herein]
Joy next remarks that, Worcester being wound up, he returned to Leeds, and to his old headquarters, Railway Foundry, where he got mixed up with bringing out Willis's road engine, the first farmer's or road engine, from which all the agricultural engines have sprung. This sketch (see diagram 39) is from the photograph of the original drawing of the engine.

Of this early road-motor, Joy says
I was at the road trials of the engine, with crowds all round wondering.

1856 The Railway Foundry went into marine engine building, and for several years the Diaries are filled with details of nautical matters, which The Railway Magazine did not reproduce. Joy was also involved in the construction of hydraulic organ blowers, for which he obtained a patent.

April 1859 After describing an idea of his for a compound marine engine, he remarks

Made agreement with Samuel and Fuller to work patents together. Samuel was Eastern Counties Railway, and ran the first compound loco. there. [** See his paper at Mechanical Engineers' Institution with drawings of engine]. Fuller had a two-cylinder compound — one valve between the cylinders with all these. Saw T. Wilsons and Sons again and again. Compounds not ripe yet; they came later.

July 1859 Joy went to Manchester to manage C. de Bergue's bridge building works, and whilst there worked out the idea of an improved steam-hammer, which he patented. De Bergue did not like the idea, so Joy left him, and in September, 1862, opened engineering works of his own at Middlesboro', where he went in largely for steam-hammer building and marine work.

September 1866
After describing a compound marine engine of his design, Joy proceeds

The same plan, I proposed to make compound locomotives. The high pressure cylinders working on a small pair of wheels, say 3 ft. 6 in., and the low pressure cylinder working on to one big wheel, say 8 ft. 6 in.
This patent I never finished, but it is in print at the Patent Office. It, however, anticipated Mr. Webb's compound locomotive, with high and low pressure cylinders, coupled into different sets of wheels.
My original idea of coupling the high and low pressure cylinders on to different axles, including, as stated, the different speeds as well as different pressures; hence the engine below for express work.

This engine was to have two cylinders, 16 in. diameter, 24 in. stroke, on a pair of 5 ft. 6 in. driving wheels, and two cylinders, 24 in. 28 in. stroke, on a pair of 10 ft. drivers; boiler steam at 180 lb. ; surface about 1600 sq. ft. I guess this would have run and been economical.

June 1868
The next entry to relate to locomotives foreshadows continuous brakes for trains.
On South Durham line, with engine '"Saltbum," to see the Chatelier brake on Lartington Viaduct, 1 in 66 down.

January, 1871

Middlesbro' closed, I stayed to finish work and to wind up. Got scheming railway springs. The idea came while going to London, and followed the experience of the spring hammer for Masers, where we had to abandon steel for wood, the best being "Partridge" wood.

He gives sketches of the wood, and shows the defiections that arose during the experiments. The results of these experiments he tabulates as follows

Did not sensibly alter from March 27th to April 25th.

April 25th.—added 56 lb.; brought deflection to 5/8 in.

May 8th.—Showed slightly more deflection; put weight to centre; that at centre A, writing paper doubled, passed = 3/4 barely.

May l0th.—Bar originally straight on side b remained so ; no permanent set.

His experiments as to the best form for springs for railway vehicles, resulted in Joy designing the form of spring shown in diagram 41.

Rly Mag 23 317

For several years after 1871 Joy's professional work was unconnected with railway engineering. After closing his own establishment, he turned to methods for using slag from blast furnaces.Then, in 1874, he became interested in water-tube boilers, and was appointed manager of the Howard Boiler Works at Barrow-in-Fumess. The work was principally marine, and a steamer was built for the purpose of testing the Howard boiler. Many pages of the Diaries are taken up with a description of the trial trips of steamers fitted with the boiler, indicator diagrams being liberally given in the book. A number of mishaps occurred in connection with these trips, and Joy and others had more than one narrow escape. One of the steamers was the four-funnel paddle boat Ben-ma-Chree for the Isle of Man service. At last, however, Joy began to give serious attention to the subject which brought him fame, and under the date of 1875 he makes the entry

All this autumn working at my old radial gear of 1865, and at the gyrascopic gun, of which I made a model, with a revolving fly, 1 lb. weight. This I tried in a boat in the Channel, and got, at any rate, promising results.

1878-9 Winter
All winter evenings working at a big model of the new radial gear, which resulted in the Patent No. 929, March 8th, 1879. (See diagram 42.)

The advantages of this system are—

First : That is simpler, lighter. and less costly than "Link" gear by about 25 per cent. This is stated on the authority of the Barrow Shipbuilding Co., who made the weights come out for Link" gear 5 tons 6 cwt. 0 qrs. 25 lb., against the new gear 4 tons 0 cwt. 1 qr. 27 lb., saving being 1 ton 5 cwt. 2 qr. 26 lb., being about 25 per cent. in favour of the new.
Second: It favours the shortening of the engine, so saving 25 per cent. length of engine room, by placing the valve chests and valve gear on the transverse centre line of each cylinder. The cylinders are placed close together, instead of being spread as with" Link" gear, where the valve chests are between the cylinders. This also shortens the crank shaft, allowing the employment of four large bear ings instead of six small ones.
Third: The improvement of the distribution of the steam, which is almost mathematically correct, for both top and bottom of the cylinder ; but by "setting " with a little more lead at the bottom, the steam admissions, or "cut-offs," may be arranged in the proportions of, say, 65 per cent, up and 62 per cent. down, or any similar proportions. So in overhead engines, allowing a perfect balance of the strokes up and down. Also, as the movement transmitted to the valve is the result of the combination of the vertical movement, with its vibrating motion, when the two are acting in the same direction, the movement of the valve is very rapid, and this occurs at lead and for the opening of the port. Then follows a time when the two movements are opposed, resulting in a slow action, almost a "dwell," holding the port steadily full open; when, again, by a combination of the movements, the port is quickly closed.

Here Joy gives in the Original Diaries valve path diagrams, and of these remarks
As a result of such valve path diagrams, the indicator cards below are given as authenticated by Mr. Webb, of the London and North Western Railway, and taken from his six-coupled engine at slow speeds.

Joy is now full of the matter of his valve gear, as the above and following extracts show

Thus engines with this gear, and set with equal " cut-offs " against " Link " gear, would indicate more horse-power, or as locomotives would pull heavier loads and run faster with them.

This was unconsciously illustrated, in the evidence on my prolongation case, by a "sub." at an out-station asking his chief at Camden Town head station for four goods locomotives, when four of my big four-coupled 7 ft. wheel engines were sent (19½ in. by 26 in. cylinders). In dudgeon he reported, "that he wanted goods engines, not those big wheels," only to be answered: "Those or none." So he had to do his best; but when the time came for him to return them, he wanted to return four of his six-coupled, "because," he said, " these (7 ft. wheels) could pull quite as well, but ran a lot faster."

Still dilating on the advantages of the valve gear, Joy continues

In the second advantage, it ought to have been added, that the gear requiring the valves to be placed on the tops of the cylinders allowed the use of much larger cylinders, as in Worsdell's first "compounds" on the Great Eastern Railway—18 in. high and 28 in. low pressure ; and these were placed closer together, leaving room for much larger bearings in inside frame engines (and few else were built now), say, 9 in. and more, instead of 6½ in.—7 in. ; and this increase of length of the main bearing and all its attachments added greatly to the "life" of the engine between general " over hauls."

The figures given by Mr. Aspinall,* [* Then the Locomotive Superintendent, and now the General Manager of the Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway]. of the Lancashire and York shire Railway, who at the time of my petition (1883) had over 200 engines, were as below:—
Per "Link" gear engine, 44.940 miles.
Per "Joy" gear engine, 59.856 miles.
In favour of "Joy," 14.946 miles.
And for consumption over a mileage of 17,766,337 to date, there was a saving against "link" of .83 lb. per mile.
Other less important advantages follow. Thus, in marine engines the valve gear is brought down and to the front, that the engineer-in-charge can reach every part by taking a single step.
Again, the complete gear is always in useful action, and for backward running the same ports are used as for forward, and no extra ones, the difference of direction being due only to the alteration of the position of the ports; hence no duplicate ports running blank are carried for back going as in "Link" gear. And the importance of this may be seen when it is shown that in an American liner the forward going revolutions, varying with the size of ship, from 990,000 to 1,000,000 for the voyage; while the backward going amount to 2,000 for berthing or docking, for which the reversing gear is required.
The gear also takes less power to reverse by 30 per cent., as every strain is a direct pull, and not the result of a sliding action on an incline.

Response to press comments

The gear has received compliment on all sides for its efficiency and originality, but below beats all from The American Ship builder, June 7th, 1894: "Mr. Joy is one of the few engineers from Watt and Evans to the present day who succeeded in bringing out a valve gear that would retain a constant lead and compression with variable cut-off, thereby increasing the mean effective pressure without changing the lead and compression, from the friction of the engine to full load."

This patent cost me constant work every night and every other available moment till March 8th, 1879, getting little relaxation, and this went against me, as one half moonlight night, skating on the big timber pond, which had been flooded by Sir James' [Sir James Ramsden, then the Managing Director of the Furness Railway] orders, I tripped and fell, and was lamed for life.

The next entry in the Diaries discloses a fact in locomotive history not previously known, viz., that the Joy valve gear was first fitted to a Furness Railway locomotive

Sir James Ramsden was very much pleased with my new valve gear, and offered me to put it on a locomotive; but as it was only an old four-coupled Bury, which had the valve chests above the cylinders, as was necessary for the gear, I had to let it pass, rather than have only a botched case to start.

Sir James Ramsden was a good friend to Joy, but he had a rival at Barrow whom he designates 'J. H.' Of him he says

Barrow Shipbuilding Co. had now settled contract to build City of Rome for the Inman Line, and Sir James suggested the new gear for that. But I did not snap at that; it was too big, as the other was too little, and it was clear that J. H. was very jealous of this new thing of mine though I offered him half shares for his influence. Well for me that he did not accept, and well for me that the gear did not go into City of Rome, as she was a lamentable failure.

25 May 1879 Joy shows Webb his radial valve gear:Joy
Was down at Crewe, and showed Webb my plan. He immediately took to it, as he was designing a new type of big express goods engine, and this gear gave him very large bearings. In the autumn we settled it, and he was at once to start an engine to exploit the plan, and then to allow it every possible publicity, I allowing London and North Western Railway a nominal royalty. Well, Webb did fairly fulfil his part of the bargain, and it was due to this that the plan was so soon and so prominently before the public. Meanwhile, I made no headway with Barrow Shipbuilding Co., though I designed the gear to suit their standard engine, showing a great saving in weight and cost of the valve gear, as well as shortening the engine by at least 20 per cent. Still no use; J.H. was jealous.

Early 1880
Arranged to give a paper at Mechanical Engineers' Institute, at their summer meeting, in Barrow, in August. Webb, who was then on the Council, backing this, and promising to have the engine ready to be shown at the meeting.

8 March 1880, London
Sir James told me that some of the directors had agreed with a Mr. McGregor to come and take the secretaryship, and be assistant manager with J. H. Simply shameful—all. Little doing. An idea struck me, and I propose to Sir James a London office for the Co., and for me to work it. This was settled in three days, and for me to go up and to join with the Ducal Line Steamers offices, 113, Fencburch Street.

13 August 1880: read paper at Meeting of the Institution of Mechanical Engineers, Barrow:
The meeting was a big success for me (see printed minutes) ; discussion went off well. The locomotive, a big six-coupled, 18 in. by 24 in. cylinders and .5 ft. wheels, was exhibited in steam, and greatly approved.

The general appearance of the engine can be seen from diagram 43. She was a consider able advance on the London and North Western Railway's engine, either of the North or South divisions.

Diagram 44 is an enlarged sketch of the gear laid in the horizontal line, not on the incline as in the engine.
This became a standard form, after I had added somewhat to the surfaces all round, and many hundreds have been built to this for ordinary 18 in. by 24 in. engines, suiting also up to 20 in. cylinders.

Joy was now turning his whole attention to the adaptation of his valve gear to the locomotive:

Working all in the same direction, I prepared a design for a six-coupled engine (compound), with my new gear, which made it possible to get the low pressure cylinders between the frames, the valve chests being above. This was previously to Mr. Webb naming to me his ideas about compounding and the tracing I sent him was dated October 16th, 1879.
This arrangement included an automatic closing of the valve, which made the engine compound, after the driver originally started her as simple, to get the train quickly under way; and was the essence of Worsdell's plan which followed long after. The valve lay in the exhaust passage (see diagram 45). Mr. Webb's engines could only work compound.

From the above and the following passage, it is evident that Joy had an idea that he, T. W. Worsdell, and Webb might not agree as to who was responsible for the compound locomotives that made their appearance on the London and North-Western Railway about this time, and later on the North Eastern Railway:

Mr. Webb was very soon after this on with a compound passenger engine, striking out on entirely new lines, with two high pressure cylinders to drive one pair of wheels, and one low pressure cylinder to drive the other pair (see my old Patent No. 2515, 1866—not proceeded with).

The discussion raised some points, which set me on the think to protect several unguarded points in the patent, resulting in another Patent (No. 3379, 1880), and these two kept me busy all the winter and forward into the summer of next year, 1881.

13 June 1881
To Barrow to see launch of SS. City of Rome. We stayed at Humphrey's house. There was a very large gathering of people—ship and engine builders ; and as I still acted for Barrow Shipbuilding Co., I had to tackle the Chairman of the Great Eastern Steam ship Co., as we were trying to arrange to have her brought to Barrow to dock her in the new big dock, before it was taken into use. Ship was 1,180 ft. by 80 ft., so nothing else in the country would hold her.
I took Mr. Chairman up the usual incline to the head of the City of Rome to see her deck, and there stood a tall vertical donkey boiler for supplying steam for the winches to hoist anchors. We returned to the launching platform, to the starboard side of the ship, waiting; the incline and the boiler were on the port side. Suddenly, through the buzz of conversation, there boomed out a thundering explosion, and I immediately looked up into the sky, to see, above the port quarter, rising solemnly up, almost appearing slowly, what I instantly recognised as the boiler, close to which, five minutes ago, I had been standing.
Then soon were borne past the poor blackened limp bodies of the unfortunate men who had been close. Two were dead, three others sadly scalded, and these died in the afternoon. A woeful christening for the big ship.

1 July 1881
Barrow agency closed. Worked on at home at drawings of gear for United States, and arranged for a good many engines to be built with this gear.

But the locomotive valve gear was now an assured success, for the Diary relates in brief words

Webb, 10 more locomotives, Cape of Good Hope, through Sir C. Hutton Gregory, 50 locomotives. Maudslays sent for me for engines of H.M.S. Amphion; horizontals, twin-screws, each 46 in. and 86 in. by 3 ft. 3 in. stroke.

Met Wayland Turner, of New York, and arranged with him for U.S.A. agency, R. S. Taylor to draw up terms of agreement. Sir Alexander M. Rendell also sent for me to arrange for 50 engines for Indian State Railways.

Autumn 1881

This autumn was attacked by a man, V——, of Dover, who said my patent was not new, and he could show me it built.

So, one Monday morning, I hurried off to Dover to see this V——, and found him a paltry fellow, in a little house in a row He would not show me what it was, but said it covered mine; but in his excitement he flourished it before me, and I was quick enough to see it was not mine and to defy him ; after which a lawyer's letter did for him. It was simply an attempt to levy black mail.

February, 1882: relates to order for locomotives with Joy's gear for Cape Government Railways

To Glasgow to push valve gear and to inspect this first lot of Cape engines by Neilson's. Engine in steam blocked up. I tried, and could pull her out of full "forward gear," and hold her at 25 per cent. cut-off, which I could not have done with a "Link" gear.

Joy was expecting to do a large business with American railroads, as his agent in the United States promised him the Joy gear would be well taken up in America. Consequently, Joy devoted much time to the preparation of data necessary to push his valve gear in the States

All spring very busy designing and sending out tracings of gears arranged for American engines to Wayland Turner, especially sent drawifigs for gear for Mr. Wootton's big passenger engine on the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad, and arranged details with Mr. Paxson, superintendent of motive power, to apply one. These engines had 22 in.cylinders, 20 in. stroke, and 5.7 wheels, usual American type, except the firebox (see after).

Joy, remembering the benefit that had accrued to him from the reading of his paper descriptive of his valve gear before the Institution of Mechanical Engineers at Barrow in August, 1880, decided to repeat the performance in America; so he

prepared paper on his new gear to give at the meeting of Master Mechanics, at Niagara in June, and a paper also on Webb's compound for same meeting.

At last the start for the States came. Left London 5 p.m., on the 25th May, by Midland Railway, K—— seeing me off.

[The next day] Webb met me at Liverpool, Lime Street Hotel, and lunched me, giving me last words about his compound.

Joy fully and graphically describes the voyage from Liverpool to New York in the Diaries, but as the description of the journey is unconnected with the development of the locomotive, we are compelled to refrain from reproducing the very interesting narrative.

Amongst his fellow-passengers were the millionaire Vanderbilt and his son, both of whom showed interest in Joy's valve gear. The ship arrived at New York on Sunday, June 3rd, 1882.

Joy duly 'did' New York, and describes and illustrates the trains of the Elevated Railroad, as also the railroad journeys to Patterson, New York, where he visited the Rogers Locomotive Works to endeavour to get his valve gear taken up. Next, Joy visits the Master Mechanic of the West Shore and Lake Erie Railroad, and introduced his valve gear.

On June 11th he leaves New York for Philadelphia, and on the 12th he

12 June 1882
Saw E. J. Wootton, president of Philadelphia and Reading Railroad. Then to the other side; all over Baldwin, Parry and William's Locomotive Works. A very different place from the others; such order, and all so tidy and clean. Found them all in a groove; not much chance for introducing my gear; can't change their routine. All the parts are made alike, and by different combinations; different engines are built up, but all routine; different diameters or lengths, and it is a passenger or a goods; but the tools to make the parts are all the same.
Joy had his first experience of an American sleeping car, as he travelled to Altona by the night train. Of this journey and the locomotive bells:
I unfortunately got a top berth, and that night's travelling was a caution. First we rolled about so, and, the top berth getting the leverage, I felt often like being tossed through the roof. And this was on the Pennsylvania Railroad, the crack line of the States. They say it is solid as a mountain now. Then the bells; that big thing hung at the middle of the boiler, and rung on passing every station or town, and on trains meeting; and this was worse. Approaching, the clangour rises rapidly in pitch, till it shrieks as the trains pass, and the two bells mingle their clangs in an inharmonious roar, and then, parting, die away into a moaning, melancholy dirge.

At 9 o'clock next morning, Joy went to the Works of the Pennsylvania Railroad, and was surprised to find the chief and his staff had been at work for two haurs.

Many pages of the Diaries now record Joy's travels on the railroads of the States until he reached Niagara, where on June 20th his paper came on, and went very well; but Master Mechanic Rueben Wells made objections, I think for the sake of raising a discussion; but the meeting was very much with the cousin from the other side. Then I was asked to tell them all about Webb's compound, and this paper gained very interested attention. Meanwhile, during the meeting, a telegram came from Mr. Paxson, M.M. of the Phlladelphia and Reading Railroad, to say that engine No. —, fitted with Joy gear, had a run out, which was most satisfactory.

After making a tour of Niagara and seeing the wonderful Falls, etc., on June 25th, Joy travelled to

Philadelphia to see big engine with my gear. In running shed at night: what a lot of paint, and colour, and gilding.

26 June 1882, Philadelphia:
Station all open, as in America; carriages and engines all over the place. The train stood 15 big cars, all full, added till we had 18, then off, the engine handling them easily (21 in. cylinders). On the way we had to face a 3 mile bank (1 in 77), and at only 10 miles per hour, as the points were " butt rails."

Well up the bank, we made 20 miles per hour till over the top. Then she went, and we wanted to get diagrams at speed, and with this load to make a pull, and so show a very full card at a speed, and a "record" [P Indicated horse power] but the driver would not keep on full steam long enough to get a diagram. He was evidently timid with her; he did not like that big load swinging behind her at 46 miles per hour. My next experience was with the engine in the afternoon, with 12 cars, a stopping train.

Many indicator diagrams of these American runs are here given in the Diaries.

Joy here returns to the oft-discussed point as to the relative safety of locomotives with a high centre of gravity compared with those with a low centre. Referring to the engine he was on, he says
The engine was 7 ft. l0½ in. to her top centre line of boiler. In England, 7 ft. 4 in. is high, and the superintendent of a big line here demurred to lifting that 1 in. for my gear. He knows better now.
Years ago when running on Crampton engines, their extreme roughness disappointed me; while McConnell's "Bloomers," far the tallest engines of the day, rode like a swing. Now, here I learnt why. Mr. Wootton gave me copy of a problem given to the engineering students at Harvard.

The problem referred to is as follows, and a reference to diagram 47 will enable our readers to understand the argument.

Why are high boiler centres easier and safer than low centres ?

Assuming that the curve is on the side C, the centrifugal and tangential forces tend to throw the engine towards the outside (C) of the curve.

In the locomotive A, which has a low centre of gravity, the forces pass along a a to the spring S, thus tending to push the spring outward and, consequently, the wheel off the road.

Locomotive B has a high centre of gravity, and the force passing along b b to the spring S, but the pressure, being so much higher, travels in a plane approaching the vertical, instead of the horizontal, as in A, and, consequently, presses the spring S downward instead of outward, as in A. This downward pressure in the case of B causes the wheel to press more firmly on the rail, instead of tending to force it over the outer edge of the rail, as is the case with the engine A, which has a low centre of gravity.

We think it necessary to point out that the above treatment of the problem takes into account only the theoretical greater safety of a high centre of gravity of a locomotive, as compared with a low centre of gravity in such a machine; it must not be forgotten that in actual practice several other forces come into play, particularly the oscillation of the rapidly-moving body, and these have effects that neutralise or may cause the theoretical value of a high centre of gravity to entirely disappear, and under some combination of circumstances even convert a high centre into a factor of danger.

JOY returned from the United States in July, 1882, and soon paid a visit to Swindon to see Mr. Dean, the Locomotive Superintendent of the Great Western Railway, concerning the fitting of Joy's gear to a six-coupled locomotive.


Joy says that Dean
Asked for a free engine—six-coupled, 17 in. by 25 in.—a misshapen thing with a long stroke; but it worked out well, and they built a full-sized model, which they told me cost £500, and on that splendid apparatus they set out the gear1½ in. out of the vibrating centre, and then sent for me to tell them why it did not give equal cut offs! But she was a fine engine when they did finish her.
But, through this bit of work, I saw all about a mighty 'single' tank engine Dean and Charlton were building—8 ft-single and double 4 ft. - wheel bogies at each end. I saw drawings and all, and she looked a beauty. She was intended to do Paddington to Swindon in 2 min. under time, and the next one was to have my gear; but the next never came. No. 1 tumbled over the turntable going out of the shed, and stayed there covered with a tarpaulin.

The second entry was so interesting to Sekon that he wrote to Mr. Churchward to establish if he could throw some light upon David Joy's definite statement. The reply from Swindon, however, not only fails to afford any explanation of Joy's 'Swindon ghost,' but suggests a very prosaic explanation of the entry in Joy's diary. Mr. Churchward's letter is as follows

Such an engine as you mention has certainly never been constructed at Swindon. At the time, however, of the amalgamation of the Bristol and Exeter Railway we took over several engines of the 4-2-4 type, and Mr. Joy was possibly thinking of these.

It is, of course, possible, as Mr. Churchward suggests, that some alterations may have been made to one of the old Bristol and Exeter Railway's ' single ' tanks with the idea of beating the record between Paddington and Swindon, but that they were not carried to fruition. If any of our readers, who had the entré of Swindon Works 26 years ago, can throw light on this interesting matter, we shall be pleased to hear from them.

December 1882
Pat Stirling (Great Northern Railway) sent me blue prints of his big 8-footer (his pet engine), to arrange valve gear. It was awfully difficult—no room between the wheel and the motion plate; still, there it was very neat and compact, and then the old man said, after all my trouble: "Naa, mon, I canna spile my grand engine with the likes o' that machinery outside o' her."

Personally, we are inclined to agree with Patrick Stirling. There can be no two opinions that the severe simplicity of their outlines gave P. Stirling's 8 ft. singles an indefinable, but none the less real grandeur that few other designs for locomotives have equalled and none surpassed.

Nevertheless, Joy is entitled to our sympathy also; naturally he looked at the subject from the utilitarian (let alone the patentee's) point of view; and after all, as an inspection of diagram 49 shows, the position of the valve gear did not so materially affect the outline of the engine, as P. Stirling considered it did. The incident, however, provides us with a glimpse of P. Stirling that brings out a characteristic Scotch trait in his personality.

In January, 1883, locomotives were constructed at Manchester on Fairlie's plan, but fitted with Joy's valve gear for the Bermudas railways.

We now come to some interesting evidence of the endeavour to provide a second route between London and Easthourne, an event that was much talked about in Surrey and Sussex 25 years ago.

Joy's connection with the scheme can he traced to the fact that at Barrow he was in close touch with the late Sir James Ramsden, the then managing director of the Furness Railway, in which the Dukes of Devonshire have always had a large interest; and as the then Duke of Devonshire was responsible for promoting the Bill, which had for its object the construction of a second railway to Eastbourne, Joy's connection with the scheme is explained.

19 March 1883

To Eastbourne with Price Williams and D.K. Clark, to go over the ground for the proposed railway from London to Eastbourne. The Duke of Devonshire's line. Was met by Mr. Wallace (the Mayor) and the Duke's Agent. Had a wild day; ran over the London, Brighton and South Coast branch, called the "Corkscrew Line "—curves of 30 chains and inclines of 1 in 50; and this was to have been an express (!) line to serve Eastbourne by Groombridge, Crowborough, Polegate, etc., all down that lovely valley.

On return, went to Crewe to see F.W. Webb about compounds ; it was proposed to work with compounds. The line was to run on the London, Chatham and Dover Railway from London to Shortlands, then branch nearly south over that chalk range by Keston, rising 1 in 120 ; then a tunnel through the chalk, and nearly a B line to Eastbourne—two long banks up and two down about balancing each other for working power, and not a curve of a shorter radius than 1 mile. That I calculated we would do the 68 miles in 1 hour and 20 mm. —20 mm. Victoria to Shortlands, and 1 hour the other 60 miles. Spent a great deal of time working up my calculations for this from old Worcester notes, and fresh notes taken, of what London, Brighton and South Coast Railway were then doing on New Cross Bank, which just agreed with my Worcester speeds on Honeybourne— that is, facing the 1 in 100 at 50 miles per hour, and reaching the top 5 miles away at 33 miles.per hour—though the New Cross Bank is only 3 miles. I kept on my scheming for the London and Eastbourne engines compounds, with the bright hope of a lot of steady 60 mile running.

In August, the Eastbourne Railway Case came on before Committee of the House of Commons. I was in attendance ten days, hearing most of the evidence. All my calculations and old experience personally on the engines came in well. Even after, there was a lot to do winding up; but I received on the case from Messrs. Curry and Holland £168— not bad.

Although Joy does not say so, the project for a second line to Eastbourne was not sanctioned. The London, Brighton and South Coast Railway arranged for the South Eastern Railway to run a service of trains (2 up and 2 down, first and second- class only) between Charing Cross and Eastbourne, over the South Eastern Railway, between London and Tunbridge Wells, and then over the London, Brighton and South Coast Railway's 'corkscrew' line to Eastbourne. After a time this service was withdrawn, but the South-Eastern Railway still receives a good sum annually as its 'share of the the Eastbourne traffic,' and hence has no desire to promote a rival line to the town. It will be noticed that the Duke of Devonshire's railway would have been about 2¼ miiles
longer than the London, Brighton and South Coast Railway's route, consequently its case depended upon being able to cover the distance in less time than the Brighton railway took, the Parliamentary fight thus becoming a locomotive battle. It is interesting to note that this is probably· the only steam railway ever projected where a speed of 60 miles an hour for 60 runs. —which was the feature of the case presented by the promoters— was definitely promised.

In June Joy paid one of his periodical visits to the locomotive superintendents, the places visited being Derby, Barrow, Kilmarnock, Newcastle and York. At the latter place he revived his memories of early locomotives, as is shewn by the following simple entry:

On one of these passages through York I strolled through the engine sheds, as in the old days of Thos. Cabry, and saw the old "Antelope "—a lovely, light, fleet-looking engine still.

During the autumn of 1883 Joy received £100 from the Great Eastern Railway for royalty fees for his gear on 10 locomotives; the London, Brighton and South Coast Railway also made use of the gear on its new cargo steamers running in the Newhaven Dieppe service. In December, 1883, one of these, the Lyons, made her trial trips.

In February, 1884, Joy went down to Swindon again in order to see his gear on the model that had been prepared previous to it being fitted to the Great Western Railway 6-coupled locomotive. This time be remarks, "they had it ½ in. out of centre."

For the next six months David Joy was busy with his gear for marine engines, and made several 'trial trips' on men-of-war and other steamers to which the gear had been fitted.

Then he turned his attention to locomotives again, the 1676 class of the Midland Railway receiving particular heed. Under date September 15th we read:

To Buxton, with first-class passes for wife and self, and engine passes for two months to travel 100 miles round Derby to see my valve gear, which was now out on the ten engines of 1676 Class—Cylinders, 19 in; by 26 in.; bogies in front, 3 ft. 9 in. wheels; four-coupled 7 ft. drivers; 1,050 sq. ft. surface. These engines could run and they could pull. More of them later. I took this opportunity of ex amining 'the various ways of carrying the leading end in fast passenger engines, so I ran on first one and then another. To begin with the worst, [Diagram 51] the axle-boxes with ¾ in. play, and the weight- boxes on opposite inclines over the axle- box, so at a curve the engine would swing out up the one incline and back again, both motions being a jerk; and on one occasion, passing smartly into Ambergate, I got thrown jolly hard against the reversing lever.

The radial axle-box I found on a Webb's small compound "Experiment" type. [Dia gram 52]. This was vastly better, but left the body of the engine to swing too far for my fancy. On this journey I had an opportunity of seeing how stupid and petted a compound can be. If left to stand for a while the steam leaks into both sides of the high pressure cylinder. Mr. Webb told me at Crewe, soon after that, that he had cured all that by a special drain cock.

Next to the Midland Railway bogie, as on my engine's first sketch, four wheels well apart, with lateral freedom to the whole bogie, as well as revolving, but the lateral was controlled by a spring at each side; but each spring followed no farther than the central position of the bogie, so that after swinging over on a curve, in returning, the spring of that side followed no farther than the centre, so not imparting the tendency to get into an alternate swing from side to side on returning to the straight.

These engines ran most sweetly—feeling like the movement of a skater — just an easy roll from the straight to the curve, straight with one and off again to the long, easy motion and no little series of kicks, to get settled on the road. I had several good chances of seeing this at a rattling swing down those banks each way from Dronfleld Tunnel (about 1 in 100), into Sheffield and about the same into Chesterfield, over 60 miles per hour. I saw plenty of the gear, too; it was very nice. This very pleasant trip over, back to town.

22 October

Under date October 22nd Joy makes some remarks concerning a "C.E. with a little of the quack engineer about him". Joy was returning to London from his trips on the Midland Railway engines, and passing through a station not a 100 miles south of Loughboro', the C.E. was on the platform, and I had introduction to him offered, which I very definitely declined, as I was well aware of his constant disputes in print.

The diaries mention that this same C.E. thought fit to read a paper on my gear to the Association of Engineers, or about that. Of course, he asked me for facts, and quoted them; but he gave his own opinions, and they were most laudatory and most strongly expressed then. He has turned his coat since then.

The diaries next give Joy's specification for a patent for a 3-cylinder locomotive, with valve gear to the outside cylinders, the third cylinder (inside) having no valve gear. Then follow more trial trips on mercantile steamers and battleships fitted with his gear.

4 February 1885

Went down to Glasgow to trial trip of Italia, London, Brighton and South Coast Railway's twin-screw steamer, by Fairfield, with Stroudley and Bryce Douglas. Started from Greenock at about 10 a.m., with fog on, but not to prevent our running from the Clock <sic> Light; run full speed to the Cumbraes.

The evening, after dinner, I spent with Mr. Stroudley 'talking engines,' and, as he was one of the most practical engineers I ever knew, the evening was very pleasant.

When I first showed my gear to Mr. Stroudley, he said, when he built more ships he should specify it, and so he did. And the order went to Fairfield as usual, and they had the cheek to offer him a gear they called their own —that is, Bryce Douglas'. Mr. S—— gave them one for that. He said:

"You build to my orders the Joy gear; I'll trust that; but that thing won't hang together for six months." And this was proved true a little later, when B. D. put his gear into the three ships they built for North German Lloyd's.

Joy complains that these North German Lloyd steamers "did me more harm than all the competition I ever met with," presumably because they were fitted with an unsatisfactory valve gear, which the 'in telligent foreigners' took to be Joy's gear.

Of these London, Brighton and South Coast steamers, Joy remarks:

Stroudley aired his science in these engines, and had his way to a bolt.

In the diary are given sketches of the valve gear, and the diameters of the many pins, all calculated according to their various strains. There is also a diagram prepared by Mr. Hughes (the present chief mechanical engineer of the Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway), giving his calculations of strains on the various points.

The Inventions Exhibition now loomed big, and Joy purchased from the London and North-Western Railway the four quadrant blocks of his gear from the engine to which Joy's gear was first fitted. "The engine had run 125,000 miles, showed scarcely any wear; yet this was the point where the detractors said we should fail."

Whilst the Inventions Exhibition was open Joy

was busy, too, on the Midland Railway with the 1667 Class, as the men were not linking them up enough, and not getting the expansion due to their 19 in. cylinders. Johnson had only given them 1,050 sq. ft., instead of 1,250, like the lot before them with 18 in. cylinders, saying the earlier "cut-off" would make up for the less surface, but the men dare not trust them, so Johnson put on an inspector to show them how they might link up and gain speed, and they did. I used to go on the engines with this man, and he gave me some of his notes, such as " a length of 4 miles, usually done in 4 min. 20 sec.; linking up, was covered in 4 min. ; that looks little, but it means 5 sec. saved per mile, or about 55 miles per hour brought to 60 miles per hour." One of the days I was on one of these engines, on that 6 or 7 miles before Bedford, I had just counted the speed at 70 miles per hour, and the driver stepped across to my side, saying, as he pointed to the condition of his engine and the reversing screw: "You see, sir, we could run a lot faster if we wanted.'

In August, Joy went down to Folkestone and had some runs on the foot-plate of one of "Jim Stirling's big 4-coupled bogies, 19 in. by 26 in, but only 18 in. cylinders lined and bored out." "They are not handsome engines," Joy says.

Joy next has a continental trip through Belgium and France. He writes, strongly of the wretched Belgian railways, and says he would not have used the Belgian locomotives for ballasting when he was a locomotive superintendent.

Joy now spent much time in evolving various refinements of his gear and in preparing the requisite patent specifications. He was awarded a gold medal at the Inventions Exhibition, and exhibited at the Liverpool Navigation Exhibition in 1886.

Joy, in 1886, turned his attention to a scheme for

"Employing the first flush of the exhaust steam as an ejecting force, to draw after it the remaining contents of the cylinder."

It was from an indicator card [shown in the original diaries] which I took at Barrow, and often thought over, that I conceived the possibility of so arranging the valve and blast pipe that I might use the first momentum of the steam escaping to pull a vacuum to be employed for the remaining part of the stroke.

The patent was No. 11,050 of 1886, dated August 13th. Diagrams 53 and 54 are

two sketches given from the extreme ends of the lot, which number four or five sheets of double elephant paper, dating between September 14th and May 28th, 1887.

The first sheet [Diagram 53] is the Midland Railway engine, No. 1667 type, the 19 in. cylinder, with my gear. The plan fits without alteration on this lot; a new blast pipe is all. In this plan I trusted for the relief of back pressure to the pull of the blast at b b, and the effect would be very intermittent, pulling at what stands for condenser at C, which between each blast would drop back, though a film of steam passed in from S, it was designed, should form a sort of aerial non-return valve. Still, this plan was not of the "positive class"— hard material against hard material. But it was a pretty dream, surely!

The second sheet [Diagram 54] shows the cylinder (low pressure) of Webb's first compound "Experiment" class, also with my gear. Here we get a positive action by the division of the steam to be exhausted into two separate parts by the use of a valve, and carried on the piston like the slides I used on my hammer-bar piston. By this valve the first flush of steam was passed away by the port b b'b"b" to the blast nozzle in the usual form, while the remainder (supposed to be a very small remainder) passed by the half of the ordinary exhaust port p.p.'p" to p'", where it was intended to be subject to the ejecting action of the true blast. I showed all these to Mr. Webb (Nov. 17th, 1886), explaining my ideas; but I think he thought them too aerial. Any way, the locomotive world was not ready for them; but for some sanguine reason I covered the idea by a second Patent (April 13th, 1887), No. 5712.

Many locomotive superintendents of the present day are willing to try novelties, so perchance some may develop Joy's idea, covered by the above patents, and find the effect of the plan, when fitted to a modern locomotive.

The remainder of 1886 and most of 1887 were occupied with marine engine work and patents. He gives a graphic account of the fatal explosion that happened on the R.M.S.S. Elbe on her trial trip in September, 1887, Joy being on board.

Joy was much troubled by the pretentions of inventors of rival gears at this time; one was Marshall's (not the gear now fitted to many Great Northern Railway locomotives), and another was one in which Kitsons were interested; a third was the Morton, which Joy stigmatised as "a clear crib from mine." Kirk's was the fourth mentioned, and finally Joy refers to the Bryce Douglas gear, the inventor of which got a locomotive built for the Caledonian Railway by ———, whom I could get nothing from but promises—but plenty of these; But what a "bird-cage " that engine was; see the second patent. Anyway, she could not run a journey without a breakdown, and even the drivers sneered when they spoke of her; and the last I heard was that the gear was taken off the passenger engine (she was a splendid looking, big four-coupled) and put into a goods, *[Joy must have been misinformed, as Mr. McIntosh says that the motion was not fitted to any other engine]. for it would not do to keep on having to "push" an "express train into the station."

With regard to this locomotive, Mr. J. F. Mcintosh, the Locomotive Superintendent of the Caledonian Railway, has kindly supplied the writer with the following particulars, and also with the photograph reproduced as diagram 55:

"The engine fitted with the Bryce Douglas valve gear was No. 124, and it was exhibited in the Edinburgh Exhibition of 1886.

"The locomotive was designed by Mr. D. Drummond, but built by Messrs. Dubs & Co., Glasgow. It had cylinders 18 in. in diameter, and a piston stroke of 26 in. It was a 4-coupled bogie engine, and at present is running as such, although it has been rebuilt in the interval.

"Originally the cylinders were 19 in. in diameter, but as the motion was continually failing, the cylinders and motion were taken out and replaced by the 18 in. cylinders already referred to. The old 19 in. cylinders have been bushed up and are now working in one of our shop stationary engines; and the motion was not adopted or fitted into any other engine except No. 124.

"No. 124 was named 'Eglinton', in connection with the running of a special passenger train to Ardrossan on the opening of the new docks and harbour there."

At the Manchester Exhibition of 1887, the London and. North Western Railway exhibited a curious tank engine, fitted with Joy's gear. The locomotive was a compound of the 2-2-4 type; the second pair of wheels was driven by low pressure steam, the cylinder being inside, and measuring 30 in. diameter by 24 in. stroke; the third and fourth pairs of wheels (coupled) were actuated by high pressure steam the cylinders being outside, of 14 in. diameter and 24 in. stroke. The two pairs of coupled wheels were both at the rear of the firebox. This locomotive was illustrated in the RAILWAY MAGAZINE for September, 1906, page 238.

Under date July, 1887, Joy chronicles the information that the Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway had put in hand 30 engines with his gear, after "building 10 after 10 as standard." In connection with these engines, Joy writes under date September 30th: "To Horwich, where I had a fearful go at a bargain with J. A. F. Aspinall. I could never hold my own at a bargain."

We wonder whether the General Manager of the Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway has any recollection of this deal of 21 years ago? It evidently made an impression on Joy. In December, 1887, Joy has the entry:

Latham's first engines, with loose eccentric, came on here. The high and intermediate valves had my gear, and a cut-off that would run up to 80 per cent. The low pressure cylinder had a loose eccentric, so that the high and intermediate cylinder started the engine, and the low followed.

After this, Webb worked his low pressure cylinder of the "Dreadnought" class, with a loose eccentric throwing round on the shaft.

In both cases this was only right for full forward or full backward.

In April, 1888, Joy was visiting the south-coast and saw Nordenfeldt's submarine boat in Southampton Docks; 20 years ago, submarines were even more in an experimental state than airships are just now, Joy received an invitation to make a trip in the submarine during the summer. He evidently entertained the idea of this voyage of daring, but wishing his relatives to benefit if any untoward event happened, he called at the office of the Railway Passengers Assurance Co, with which he was insured against accidents, and asked Mr. Vian, the secretary, if the risk was covered by his policy. Mr. Vian gave him a knowing look, and asked, "Do you want to go?"

As liberality of treatment of its policy- holidays <sic>has always been an outstanding feature of the Railway Passengers' Assurance Company, no doubt the secretary gave Joy the necessary sanction.

July and August of 1888 saw the first "Railway race" to Scotland; in this Joy was interested, inasmuch that the locomotive that made the best record on the North Eastern Railway was fitted with his gear.

I give only the last day's run on the east coast, and only on that part run by one of my engines—August 14th. The engine was a 6 ft. 8 in. four-coupled Worsdell compound. The distance was Newcastle to Edinboro'—124½ miles. Time allowed, 152 min ; seven of the East Coast Joint Stock carriages 12 tons each —84 tons on this last run. It was done in 125 min., or 59.56 miles per hour.

The next entry that concerns us in the "Diaries" shows that persistent effort does at last obtain its reward—in some cases. Under date September 11th, Joy writes

Manchester, Sheffield and Lincolnshire Railway orders three engines to have gears, after I have called on them since 1880 to no purpose ; then three more, then 12 more.

September 1889?

Neilson's give notice of 50 engines they have orders to build for the Manchester, Sheffield and Lincolnshire Railway, so that was the lot inquired about; so my continued calling at Gorton was not all wasted.

January 1890

Manchester, Sheffield and Lincolnshire Railway sends orders to Neilson's for 25 more locomotives. Also Lancashire and Yorkshire, North-Eastern and London and North-Western Railways are building by 10's in each case.

Joy was just now giving most of his attention to the perfection of an assistant cylinder for marine engines; but in July, 1889, he writes: "North-Eastern Railway compounds and Japanese Railway locomotives, as well as London and North-Western and Lancashire and Yorkshire Railways going ahead"; whilst the next month he had an inquiry from Black Hawthorn and Co. for royalty rates for 50 main line engines.

On September 27th, as Joy was starting on a visit to Scarboro', he received an intimation that the Paris Exhibition had awarded him a gold medal for his radial valve gear, and a silver medal for his crank gear (see illustration on page 321, October number).

This trip brought to his mind reminiscences of his early railway activities, which he mentions:

That lovely York station, which always gives one the idea of being on pleasure bent. Then a carriage to ourselves on to Scarboro' that I could look out and watch the engine, a Worsdell 4-coupled bogie— my gear—and I remembered so running when the " Jenny Linds" were the engines, slipping in their great swifiging style round those Castle Howard and Hutton curves; anyway, it was all real pleasure and rest now.

The Engineer of March 7th, 1890, fully recorded a trial with one of Mr. Worsdell's big singles—my valve gear. These engines had been working the fast passenger service from Newcastle to Edinboro' since October, taking 10 to 22 carriages. The trip was from Newcastle to Berwick—67 miles in 78 mm. The load was 32 carriages; total weight, 310.6 tons. This was over express loads and three minutes under time. No need for a pilot. Consumption of coal per mile, 264 lbs. average.

The North-Eastern Railway engine referred to (No. 1518) is illustrated by diagram 56.

The next entry of interest to RAILWAY MAGAZINE readers is under date September 29th, 1890, and here again we gain an insight into Joy's character, showing how his principle of taking pains over trivial matters was responsible for much of his success

To Edinboro' for finish of Exhibition; awfully wet. Didn't care for the show, but saw the "bosses," and as a result had a gold medal awarded, only because I explained the merits of the invention. It was illustrated on Webb's London and North-Western Railway locomotive, and on Worsdell's big " Record Breaker," the 7 ft. 7¼ in. single of the North-Eastern Railway.

In September, 1890, the late Mr. Billinton (who succeeded Stroudley at Brighton) was second in command at Derby, and Joy records that on my many visits to Derby, a new lot of passenger engines were discussed, and Mr. Billinton talked them over witb me. First the idea was for very big four-coupled engines with bogies (7 ft. 3 in. coupled wheels). I said 7 ft. 6 in. Then it drifted into big singles—7 ft. 6 in.—and I worked out a lot of schemes with my gear. At last I came to the extreme of my own ideas—a very big single tank, with bogie forward, and one fixed carrying axle and one radial axle behind; compound cylinders, 20 and 30 in. by 26 in.; boiler surface, 1,600 sq. ft. ; steam pressure, 200 lbs.; Joy gear, with the large cylinder area to cut off early, and run economically on coal, say 24 lbs., and water, 2,000 galls., to Leicester, with 10 Midland Railway big carriages.

Joy illustrates his design, which shows that both the cylinders (on a high pressure and one low pressure) were inside, and the valves above. This type of engine would have received the valve motion from the single eccentric (illustrated on page 321, October issue). In January, 1891 (doubtless as a result of his exhibit at the Paris Exhibition of 1889), Joy received an order from a French railway for his gear. The order was for

12 passenger locomotives for the Paris and Orleans Railway to be fitted with the gear. They furnished all the drawings (blue prints), general and details. The arrangement of "overhang" — French exactly—I altered entirely, and then wrote with it a polite letter of apology to the engineer, telling him no doubt he was a far better engineer, but that I just knew that gear; and I did not offend him.

On May 20th, 1891, Joy went to

Stoke—North Staffordshire Railway—to meet a man as locomotive superintendent who had worked with bare arms next vice to me in those early days at Fenton, Murray and Jackson's!

So Joy renewed his acquaintance, of nearly 50 years ago, with Luke Longbottom.

At the commencement of August Joy was at Liverpool at the meeting of the Institution of Mechanical Engineers, then on to br wich, where he made the acquaintance of Mr. Hughes, the present locomotive superintendent of the Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway. Joy thus refers to this pleasant meeting of two 'master minds':

To Horwich ; .parts, etc., of my gear all about the place; one complete set was laid out as specimens, and Ramsbottom asked me if I knew what it was, leering at me meanwhile. Had a pleasant lunch among a lot of the Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway heads, and one of them, Hughes, was so kind and polite; he saw me by a short way through the works to the station. Then train first to Preston, a change and a wait there, to Oxenholme, and the little line I knew so well by Kendal to Windermere.

Mr. Ramsbottom, the celebrated locomotive superintendent, had at this time retired from the London and North-Western Railway, and was a director of the Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway. He was evidently still keenly interested in locomotive development.

Joy was in a reminiscent mood, and, describing his journey to the lakes, continues:

All came back to me now in the time of my enjoyment: my work in Liverpool done, and well done. I could enjoy the country with satisfaction, and this bit, Oxenholme to Windermere, associated with so many pleasant times in my life, the Railway Foundry working of the line, and those long composite carriages we built for it, all iron, I remember them well now.

Joy had for some time been planning a fluid pressure reversing gear, his idea was to square the shaft and slot an oblong hole in the eccentric sufficient to mount it thereon, with room to slide in each direction equal to the amount to move it from the forward to the backward position, employing the vacant spaces to act as cylinders to receive the fluid pressure on either side, the square shaft fulfilling the part of piston for each such cylinder, the spaces being closed in aterally.

Now keeping to the history of this patent from the date of the application for "provisional," September 17th, 1891, to the date of the grant of the final, and a fair start by the end of 1893. I saw most of the chief locomotive superintendents first—F. W. Webb, S. W. Johnson—and finally arranged with J.F. Billinton, London, Brighton and South Coast Railway, to try the plan on a small passenger engine, the "Sussex" (general view of her in Diagram 58, and section of shaft and eccentrics, with reversing oil cylinder in Diagrams 57 and 59). It took us all our time to get drawings settled, and a promise from Mr. Jeffreys, shop manager, - that we would have steam by Christmas, and I tipped the shop foreman to assure this but, alas, for the frailty of promises, even when well moistened with whisky. The arrangement of this valve for the Sussex is shown by Diagram 57, whilst the old locomotive to which it was fitted is illustrated by Diagram 58, Joy's apparatus being shown by the dotted lines. Joy obtained his French patent for the fluid valve without difficulty, but not so the German patent. How he had to fight for his rights in this matter he narrates in an extremely plain spoken manner. We reproduce his remarks, which are not at all complimentary to the German character:

The German No. 6965692, [obtained only] after a desperate fight with the German patent authorities, with objections innumerable, trivial, ridiculous, and ignorant, or worse—wicked temper. Because I was not a German, I might not have a German patent. The English authorities told me that if I had taken it in a German name I should have not had a moment's difficulty. That is just the Germans all over; d— the Germans, every one. I had just the same trouble with the first, the radial gear, till I got sick, and dropped it; and, then free, they built it like mad, the thieves. Their last objection was as wicked as this, that a German had patented a hat, so I, an Englishman, could not patent a valve, gear in Germany; but I fought it out, and beat them.

December 1892, Webb brought out his 8-coupled compound goods locomotives, fitted with Joy's gear.

Earlier in the year; Joy, on the advice of his patent agent, had determined to apply for a prolongation of his radial valve gear patent, and spent much time in preparing his case, which at last came on for hearing in March, 1893, before the Lords of the Privy Council. Joy states that his counsel though he had made an awful muddle of the mechanical explanation of the model yet his way of putting the case in summing up, and the explaiiation of the evidence he brought forward was excellent. Counsel showed:

How a locomotive superintendent, controlling a large number of engines on a line, he took the superintendence of, wishing to satisfy himself of the advantages of the "Joy gear" before deciding on its application generally, took 10 engines which had been at work on the line for some years, and which, except the Joy gear and its advantageous additions, were of the standard type of fast passenger engines on the line, compared their cost and working with similar engines, fitted ordinarily with "link gear." Each lot of 10 had been built by the same builder at the same time, and since had done same class of work, "fast passengers." And the result came out in favour of the Joy gear engines up to an ayerage for each engine of the 10 of 11,000 miles more than the link gear engines on the total mileage done by each engine from leaving the repair shop in perfect condition to returning there again for "general overhaul," thus lengthening the life of each engine between the repairs.

Joy explains that these benefits were obtained because this gear allows the crank axles much larger bearing surfaces than are possible with axles on which are eccentrics. The locomotive superintendent referred to by counsel was Mr. J.A.F. Aspinall, now the general manager of the Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway, but at that time locomotive superintendent of that railway. Joy's counsel further told the Lords of the Privy Council that the result of the experi ments he referred to caused the locomotive superintendent to

make the Joy gear the standard system instead of the link gear. And now, at date, on numbers of engines—exceeding 200—he found the average "life' of the Joy gear engines had risen between repairs, to 14,000 miles as against, or more than the link gear engines, thus showing a very large addition to the engine' life' of a large plant of engines on the Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway.

Then my counsel went on to say that this was only on one railway, and on 200 engines; but this system had been applied on a number of large and important railways, the London and North-Western, the North Eastern, the Manchester, Sheffield and Lincolnshire, and many abroad, totalling about 2,500 engines, of which about 95 per cent. were main line and express engines.

But, continued my counsel, there is another question of importance, "Economy of Fuel," resulting from the use of this gear to the extent of .75 lbs. of coal per mile. This might seem a small figure, but as it extended over 1,700,000 miles, and this only one railway and 200 engines, and, as above, this advantage is shared by a number of other railways, the advantages claimed and the benefits accruing are great.

Joy's counsel occupied about 20 min. in opening his case; then the counsel for the Crown got up and said:

"My Lords, I think this is very clearly a case for a prolongation; it is only a question of how many years, and that rests with your Lordships."

Then came a period of suspense whilst the Court was discussing the case, all the parties being ordered out of court. After a quarter of an hour they were re-admitted to the court, when

after some desultory remarks among their Lordships and counsel, Sir Charles Russell said: "My Lords, I think we had better have one of the witnesses before us." And Mr. Aspinall was called. After kissing the Book, he had four questions asked, each of which he was able to answer with a monosyllable. Then one of their Lordships said : " We had better see the inventor." And I was called. After the Book kissing, I, too, was asked four questions, which I answered easily and equally laconically.

Then followed a little further inter-discussion, and then a solemn silence, when everyone looked very grave; and then the President of the Court made a short speech, saying that their Lordships had heard all the evidence, and considering that the invention which had been brought before them, and for which a prolongation of the usual time was petitioned, had been proved to be a real and substantial benefit to the public, they should recommend Her Majesty to grant a prolongation of seven years.

After the decision, Joy's friends crowded around him, offering congratulations, and he then went across to a telegraph office and enjoyed a little joke he played on the clerk there. He wrote a telegraphic message which read:

"They have given me seven years." This I handed to the telegraph clerk, who stared and then grinned with a very sinister expression, when on getting the paper back, I added, "prolongation of patent."

Joy's next work was to prepare his exhibit for the Chicago Exhibition.

In May, 1893, Mr. Billinton, the London, Brighton and South Coast Railway's locomotive superintendent, sent for me to London Bridge, saying he had had the fluid pressure valve gear specified to be put in the engines of the company's new steamer, to be built by an English firm, something on the lines of the French-built boats, the Thamise and the Seine.

Professor Byles was appointed consulting engineer for the railway, and I saw him and got him to look favourably on the plan, then waited for the tenders to come in. Penney's, of Dumbarton, got the order, and I was referred to them to get particulars.

The Marine Superintendent of the London, Brighton and South Coast Railway states that "after all Joy's fluid pressure gear was not fitted to the engines of this steamer.

The last entry in the Diaries has reference to a visit to Brighton Locomotive Works, on the subject of the fluid pressure gear for the' Sussex'.

Doubtless, David Joy intended bringing the Diaries down to the time of his death, but he never completed the record of the last nine years of his life.

The final pages of the Diaries contain some early tracings made by Joy, which are of value as illustrating the evolution of the steam locomotive. We reproduce in Diagram 60 one of these, which is Joy's drawing of Fenton's expansive gear, and is of value as it places on record a very early form of expansion gear for locomotives.

A reader, Mr. G.F. Tyas, has sent us some interesting details concerning the old Railway Foundry at Leeds, etc., which is reproduced below, together with Mr. Tyas' covering letter the letter reads

"As one who for many years was connected with the locomotive building industry in Leeds, I have been particularly interested in your articles now appearing on 'Some Links in the Evolution of the Locomotive,' by the late David Joy. If you think it worth while, I have pleasure in furnishing some particulars as to the subsequent fate of Messrs. E.B. Wilson's works—the old 'Railway Foundry,' Leeds.

"I also send you particulars of one of the earliest engines of large size fitted with Joy's radial valve gear."

The particulars our reader supplies are as follows

"After Messrs. E. B. Wilson and Co. ceased business late in the 'fifties,' the Railway Foundry, Leeds, was partially dismantled and divided into lots, the present works of Messrs. Manning, Wardle and Co., the Hunslet Engine Co., and Messrs. Hudswell, Clark and Co., occupying parts of the site; but the main block of the buildings, including the offices, entrance lodge, etc., was for many years unoccupied, excepting a small portion which was used as an engineers' workshop.

I well remember, early in the ' eighties,' Messrs. Kitson & Co., the locomotive makers, acquiring this part of the works with a view to future extension of their establishment. At this time the engine and boilers were still in position as used for originally driving. The engine was a very old-fashioned beam engine, with a fly-wheel with rim of round section, and the boiler of cylindrical egg- ended type; but soon after Kitsons took possession these were taken out and broken up. Kitsons threw a bridge or gangway across the road, thus connecting these works with their own foundry, and utilised the premises chiefly as pattern making stores, and a small portion was used by the Hon. C. A: Parsons, of turbine fame, as experimental workshops.

"I may also state that when Messrs. B. B. Wilson and Co. shut up, the present firm ot Manning, Wardle and Co. took over the drawings and patterns, and I have noticed in examples of their earlier locomotives some of the characteristics of Wilsons' 'Jenny Lind' type engines, particularly the fluted dome and safety valve covers.

"It seems rather singular, but at the same time very fitting and appropriate, that these famous works should still be associated after so many years with locomotive building.

One of the earliest applications of Joy's valve gear was to two double cylinder vertical engines of marine type which both geared on to one driving shaft, used for driving a rolling mill at the Barrow Hematite Iron and Steel Works, Barrow-in-Furness. These engines had cylinders about 3 ft. diameter and 4 ft. 6 in. stroke, and had piston valves, and the combined reversing gear for both pairs of engines was actuated by an hydraulic cylinder fixed on starting platform."

The End.]


prig/prigged: to steal, etc

recruit: recuperate

John Gray: Locomotive Superintendent of the London and Brighton Railway

Drivers: at that time private builders appear to have been able to use their own drivers to test their products on local railways

first time Joy spoke in public

Although 57 years ago, the number of railways was largely in excess of the present total, for every small length of line was then an independent company, with its separate officers, yet there were numerous applications for each position. Apparently everyone then thought he could shine as a locomotive superintendent (much in the same way as everybody thinks he can run a periodical to-day), for Joy says there were 150 applications for the post of locomotive superintendent on the North British Railway.

2013-03-04 (corrections to limks)